Extreme imperialist Hillary Clinton is
particularly unappealing in her identity politics quest to be the first woman
president of the U.S. While Donald Trump calls Vladimir Putin a genuine leader
and trusts in his negotiator skills to deal with him, Clinton regards him as
the personification of evil and eagerly courts WWIII to put him in his place.
On Sanders, her sound bite of the moment is that she agrees with his
"democratic socialist" analysis, but as an experienced politician
"knows how to do it" (i.e., reign in Wall Street), better than the
(allegedly) utopian dreamer Sanders. Given her $200,000 lecture fees on the Wall
Street circuit, and the avalanche of corporate money inundating her campaign
coffers, it's not a very convincing claim.
Meanwhile, the corporate media seem to
have lost themselves in the Bermuda Triangle of spin vis-a-vis Sanders, eager to
find some means of discrediting his surging campaign, then simply lapsing into
silence at their inability to do so. This is the common fate of New Deal
holdovers like Jerry Brown (1992) Dennis Kucinich (2004) and Jesse Jackson
(1988). They are either slandered or rendered invisible by non-coverage. Such
contemptuous treatment extends to populists of the right as well. When
libertarian Ron Paul finished second in the 2008 Nevada primary, the corporate
media reported the first place finisher and the third place finisher, but
ignored Paul.
Although Sanders supporters may not
know it, their candidate didn't necessarily win the New Hampshire primary in
terms of delegate count. There are hundreds of "super-delegates" in
the party that do not even have to consider the primary results in deciding
whom to support, and the vast majority are in Hillary Clinton's pocket at the
moment. These are Democratic Party elites, not average Joes, and very subject
to the crackpot realist philosophy alleging that liberal populists like Sanders
"can't win" a general election. After the tie in Iowa and the
22-point Sanders rout in New Hampshire, Clinton has nearly four hundred
delegates and Sanders around forty. It's actually possible for her to lose
every primary from now on and still take the nomination via her control of the
super-delegates. But according to what Jeffrey St. Clair calls "the
Sandernistas," the super-delegates will shift their allegiance to Sanders
once they see how popular and inspiring he is. Sure. This ignores the fact that
the super-delegates were invented precisely to ward off liberal populists like
Sanders. Do we really think it's an accident that the Democratic Party has
collaborated extensively in the erosion of the New Deal for the last forty
years?
Sanders calls himself a democratic
socialist, but there is really nothing socialist about him, which is not to say
he is undeserving of support. Sanders stands for a deepened and expanded
New Deal, which was slandered by FDR's enemies as "socialism," though
it never was that. FDR claimed his achievement was to have restored the
capitalist system after the 1929 collapse, and he accused the rich of
ingratitude for his efforts. This is quite correct.
As for socialism, if it means anything, it means the workers are in charge of the economy, primarily by deciding what to do with the economic surpluses their labor generates. This would entail a fundamental restructuring of society, with corporate boards replaced by worker committees, which would be free to create a radically different society. Sanders is clearly not calling for this. Tellingly, Sanders backer Robert Reich (Labor Secretary under Bill Clinton) has a new book out entitled "Saving Capitalism." That is precisely what the Sanders campaign seeks to do.
As for socialism, if it means anything, it means the workers are in charge of the economy, primarily by deciding what to do with the economic surpluses their labor generates. This would entail a fundamental restructuring of society, with corporate boards replaced by worker committees, which would be free to create a radically different society. Sanders is clearly not calling for this. Tellingly, Sanders backer Robert Reich (Labor Secretary under Bill Clinton) has a new book out entitled "Saving Capitalism." That is precisely what the Sanders campaign seeks to do.
The social
democracy advocated by Sanders and Reich has been proven to work elsewhere
(Scandinavia), though it does not do away with the divide between wealth-makers
and wealth-takers, i.e. social classes. To his credit, Sanders wants to reduce
inequality, though apparently without realizing that "inequality" is
the wrong term to describe the relationship between a parasite and its host. A
fungus and a blighted potato do not have an unequal relationship, they have a
parasitic relationship, and there's no way to end up with a healthy potato
without eliminating the fungus. The big banks and insurance companies are the
"fungus." They produce nothing of any value to society, merely
reproduce diseased social relations.
Yes, we can reduce the extent of the
fungus, and should, which is what Sanders wants to do. But we should be clear
that social and economic health require that the body politic be fungus-free.
Would you trust a doctor that said the best treatment for cancer is to keep a
"balance" between healthy cells and cancer cells, in order to take
advantage of the "dynamism" of cancer? This is the liberal line on
capitalism. It's a crock.