In an interview with
Peter Robinson, Thomas Sowell (Hoover Institution) criticizes the political work
of Noam Chomsky on grounds that make clear he does not distinguish Chomsky's
libertarian socialism from the technocratic and highly militarized state
capitalism favored by liberal elites. Incredibly, Sowell lumps him in with the
liberal intelligentsia Chomsky has long attacked, ignoring the glaring fact
that liberal elites loathe Chomsky precisely because of the brilliant and
unanswerable nature of that attack.
It is unclear if
Sowell knows anything at all about Chomsky, as he cites nothing from his work
and even mispronounces his name. His complaint is directed at intellectuals in
general, and Chomsky by arbitrary inclusion, namely, that he, and they, go
beyond their areas of specialized knowledge to ignorantly comment on society
and politics, leading the unwary masses that embrace their ideas to
catastrophe, when they otherwise might have achieved the best of all possible worlds by accepting the choices
offered by the "free market," supplemented by those presented in
periodic political mud-wrestling contests known as elections. Embodied in these
two institutions, apparently, is the greatest social and political wisdom of
which the human species is capable, a rather nauseating thought.
In any event, here is
the part of the interview that deals with Chomsky:
Peter Robinson: When
you refer to intellectuals in Intellectuals
and Society, whom do you mean?
Sowell: I mean
people whose end products are ideas. There are other people with great
intelligence whose end products are things like the Salk vaccine. . . . the
engineer is judged by the end product, which is not simply ideas. If he builds
a building that collapses it doesn't matter how brilliant his idea was, he's
ruined. Conversely, if an intellectual who is brilliant has an idea for
re-arranging society and that ends in disaster, he pays no price at all.
Robinson: (Quoting
directly from Sowell's book Intellectuals
and Society): "The fatal misstep of intellectuals is assuming that
superior ability within a particular realm can be generalized to superior
wisdom or morality overall. Chess grand masters, musical prodigies and others
who are as remarkable within their respective specialties as intellectuals
within theirs, seldom make that mistake."
Robinson (in his own
voice): Noam Chomsky, whom you write about in Intellectuals and Society, whose work in linguistics - in the first
place I can't understand it - but as best as I can tell -
Sowell: Highly
regarded.
Robinson: Exactly.
Everyone who understands his technical work within the field, within his
discipline in linguistics, considers him one of the great figures of the
twentieth century. And his work in politics?
Sowell: Absurdity.
The same could be said of Bertrand Russell and his landmark work on mathematics
and other people in other fields, but they step outside their fields, and when
you step outside your level of specialty, sometimes that's like stepping off a
cliff . . . If Noam Chomsky had just kept on, stayed in linguistics, neither of
us probably would have ever heard of Noam Chomsky. He would have been just as
famous around the world among linguists, nobody else would have heard of him.
In short, he's become
famous because the stupid masses he appeals to don't recognize that in
venturing an opinion outside his academic specialty he's peddling nonsense.
This critique of
Chomsky makes little sense. In the first place, he was a political activist
long before he was a linguistics professor, so the question is not why he left
a field he was knowledgeable in to become a leading figure in a field he knew
nothing about, but actually the reverse: How did the (broadly learned) activist
Chomsky become a specialized linguist? The answer is that his father was an
accomplished linguist himself, and young Noam read his work on medieval
grammar, later developing ideas of his own that ended up revolutionizing the
field. Then in the Vietnam years he was drawn into anti-war activism that
nearly earned him a long prison term when he turned up on Richard Nixon's
enemies list, though he was saved at the last minute by the Tet Offensive. Be
that as it may, Chomsky never attempted to use his specialized knowledge of linguistics
to claim special insight into politics, and regularly corrected those who
assumed he had special insight. Over and over he stated that he acted as an ordinary
private citizen, just as others ought do, aided only by honesty and common
sense, which he insists are the only necessary qualities for engaging in
political work. Apparently, Sowell believes in the infallibility of established
institutions, as he automatically labels protest against them
"absurdity." But what possible grounds can there be for such a
peculiar belief?
Interestingly,
Chomsky actually agrees with Sowell
that intellectuals function as a secular priesthood whose ruinously destructive
ideology is a mask for self-interest, and has advanced a far more
thorough and penetrating critique of their illegitimate authority and moral
bankruptcy than anything Sowell has on offer. His fundamental criticism, however, centers on the obvious (that social science isn't really scientific):
"I
would simply like to emphasize that, as is no doubt obvious, the cult of the
expert is both self-serving, for those who propound it, and fraudulent.
Obviously, one must learn from social and behavioral science whatever one can .
. . But it will be quite unfortunate, and highly dangerous, if they are not
accepted and judged on their merits and according to their actual, not
pretended accomplishments. In particular, if there is a body of theory,
well-tested and verified, that applies to the conduct of foreign affairs . . .
its existence has been kept a well-guarded secret . . . To anyone who has any
familiarity with the social and behavioral sciences . . . .the claim that there
are certain considerations and principles too deep for the outsider to
comprehend is simply an absurdity.
In other words,
ordinary citizens' educated guesses as to the nature of society and politics
are as valid as anyone else's. Just how is this an example of the "star
power" of a public intellectual leading the masses to perdition? If
anything, it demonstrates the opposite: a helpful reminder to ordinary citizens
that they have at least as much
insight into current events as the most brilliant intellectual, and need not
defer to anyone else on politics. But Sowell grants Chomsky no credit for this
sharp attack on the central fallacy
of meritocratic intellectualism, preferring to mindlessly accuse him of being
the embodiment of elite condescension, instead of its most powerful critic.
Indeed, if Chomsky is out to
conquer the non-specialist with misapplied expertise, he has a peculiar method
- unilateral disarmament. For as he openly states, specialized
knowledge is irrelevant to developing political insight:
" . . . . . to
take apart the system of illusions and deception which functions to prevent
understanding of contemporary reality, that's not a task that requires
extraordinary skill or understanding. It requires the kind of normal skepticism
and willingness to apply one's analytical skills that almost all people have
and that they can exercise."
Which is why Chomsky
is famous for clarity of expression in speaking and writing about politics.
Leaving aside specialized terminology in preference for an honest exchange with
ordinary people on issues of mutual concern, his reward is not a puffed up
reputation based on intellectual grandstanding, but large, appreciative
audiences who sell out his political talks years in advance throughout the
world. For Sowell, these people can only be dupes of an unprincipled Chomsky
lording his presumed intellectual superiority over the gullible masses. But
what is this if not standard contempt for the allegedly stupid masses by an
elite intellectual, in this case Sowell himself?
In any event, Chomsky
would likely agree that much "consequential knowledge" (Sowell's
term, referring to knowledge necessary to society being able to function) is widely dispersed, not narrowly concentrated in the hands of the
intelligentsia, which is why ordinary people need to come together to promote
democratic policies that can overcome the self-serving ideology of elites, not
passively accept as some kind of evolutionary limit the commodified choices
offered in the shopping mall and voting booth.
Following Michael
Bakunin and Peter Kropotkin, Chomsky criticizes representative democracy under
state capitalism for having "a monopoly of power centralized in the State,
and secondly - and critically - because representative democracy is limited to
the political sphere and in no serious way encroaches on the economic
sphere." This leaves people "compelled to rent themselves on the
market to those who are willing to hire them," which subordinates them to
vast concentrations of private wealth in a system that exhibits "striking
elements of coercion and oppression that make talk of democracy very limited,
if even meaningful."
So the conservative
call to protect individual freedom from the encroachments of the state is sadly
inadequate to our plight. We must also, as Chomsky emphasizes, "dissolve
the authoritarian control over production and resources" which lead to
such grotesque wealth disparity that it "drastically limits human
freedom."
This can be done,
says Chomsky, only if "workers .. . become masters of their own immediate
affairs, that is, in direction and control of the shop," but also by
making "major substantive decisions concerning the structure of the
economy, concerning social institutions, concerning planning regionally and
beyond." Naturally, such
developments would require workers to obtain administrative
knowledge currently monopolized by credentialed experts, the vast majority of
whom, however, have no claim to scientific expertise. In short, such
non-specialized knowledge might very well be transferred to ordinary workers,
so that democratic self-management could evolve out of the current autocratic
system.
Such economic
democracy, of course, is exactly what Sowell means when he warns that
intellectuals are inherently susceptible to adopting "an idea for
re-arranging society that ends in disaster." The problem for him, however,
is that an all-enveloping "free market" disaster is already here,
having delivered three economic collapses in a generation and promising more
and worse to come in the future.
Not to mention that
Sowell's brand of "libertarian" economics represents an even more
unrestrained form of private tyranny than the current neo-liberal nightmare,
which, if implemented, might very well yield complete social collapse. Recall
the Chicago Boys' experiment on Chile during the Pinochet dictatorship, using the economic recommendations of
Sowell's mentor Milton Friedman: broad privatization, deregulation, and deep
cuts to social spending, all allegedly demanded by the "natural" laws
of economics.
The result? Inflation
hit 375% in the first year-and-a-half, local business collapsed, unemployment
soared, and hunger ran rampant. President of the National Association of
Manufacturers Orlando Saenz, who had invited the Chicago Boys into Chile in the
first place, called the results of their experiment "one of the greatest
failures of our economic history." He was replaced. And naturally the free
market geniuses had a ready answer for criticism: their economic shock treatment hadn't been
thorough enough. More and faster social service cuts and privatization were
needed.
In the midst of it all, Friedman
arrived in Santiago to rock star treatment, calling for more cuts in
government spending - 25% across the board - while simultaneously pushing a
slate of pro-corporate policies designed to move towards "complete free
trade." Health and education took devastating hits. In 1975, the Pinochet
regime cut public spending by 27% all at once, and kept cutting. By 1980,
social spending was half of what it had been before Pinochet seized power. Even
The Economist, a free-market
cheerleader, called the cuts an "orgy of self-mutilation."
The Chilean economy
plunged into a deep recession. Nearly three-quarters of an average Chilean
family's income was needed just to buy bread. Free milk at school was
increasingly unavailable, leading to fainting spells among the students. The school system was replaced by vouchers and charter schools,
health care became pay-as-you-go, kindergartens, cemeteries, and Chile's social
security system were privatized.
Reality quickly made a
hash of Friedman's sunny predictions of short-term pain followed by broad
prosperity. Deep poverty and high unemployment stubbornly persisted, and the
crisis lasted for years. In 1982, Chile's economy crashed amidst exploding
debt, hyperinflation, and a staggering 30% unemployment rate. Pinochet was
forced to nationalize many of the same companies socialist Salvador Allende
had, and was saved from complete disgrace only by the state copper company that
Allende had nationalized.
And all of this was in addition to the mass torture, murder, and terror that were used to make the noxious "free market" draught go down.
In short, the Chicago Boys'
insane ideas led to catastrophe, and the intellectual responsible for dreaming them up
never faced any consequences.
Meanwhile, the
admiring Sowell refrained from dismissing his mentor's ideas as "absurdity."