Monday, September 11, 2017

Osama Bin Laden - The Real Story


How angry America gets when it attacks people and those people resist!

-----------Osama bin Laden, December 1998

How can they hope to be blessed with security while they are dishing out destruction, devastation, and murder on our people in Palestine and Iraq?

-----------Osama bin Laden, December 16, 2004

He dates his political awakening to 1973, when a U.S. airlift helped Israel turn the tide in the so-called Yom Kippur War. Egypt and Syria had overrun Israeli defenses and its vaunted Bar-Lev line at the beginning of the war, leading a stunned Tel Aviv to hint that it might resort to nuclear weapons if the U.S. didn't save the day for the Jewish state. When Washington's intervention helped deal the Arabs another bitter defeat, fifteen-year-old Osama stopped watching cowboy shows, refused to wear Western clothes (except at school, where it was required), and "would sit in front of the television and weep over the news from Palestine." [Lawrence Wright, "The Looming Tower - Al Qaeda and the Road to 9/11."]

The immediate cause of the war was Israeli "development" of the Northeastern Sinai, which involved the forcible removal of Arab farmers from their lands. U.S. support for Israeli annexation of large parts of the Occupied Territories and its refusal to respond to Anwar Sadat's peace overtures, made war inevitable. For bin Laden, it made sympathetic consideration of Western culture impossible.

It was the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, which killed 20,000 people, overwhelmingly civilians, that planted in bin Laden the seed of revenge. In a November 2004 video he recalled the carnage, the "blood and severed limbs, women and children sprawled everywhere. Houses destroyed along with their occupants and high rises demolished over their residents . . ." He longed to strike back. "As I looked at those destroyed towers in Lebanon, it occurred to me to punish the oppressor in kind by destroying the towers in America, so that it would have a taste of its own medicine and would be prevented from killing our women and children. On that day I became sure that the oppression and intentional murder of innocent women and children is a deliberate American policy."

A decade before the release of this video, bin Laden had been stripped of his Saudi citizenship (1994) for his continued harsh criticism of the Saudi royal family. He wrote a letter to the Chief Mufti, the foremost juridical authority in the Kingdom, calling his endorsement of the 1993 Oslo Accords an "astonishing juridical decree," a betrayal of the word of God and the community of the faithful. Like millions of other Arabs, bin Laden was anguished at the contemptuous treatment Palestinian Arabs continually received at the hands of the West, and saw no reason why it should continue.

Bin Laden's letter argued flat out that the Jews that came to Palestine were not indigenous to the region: "The current Jewish enemy is not an enemy settled in his own original country fighting in its defense until he gains a peace agreement, but an attacking enemy." The only proper course of action, therefore, was to wage jihad, both for the sake of God and "so that Palestine may be completely liberated and returned to Islamic sovereignty." The Oslo Agreement, which nullified Palestinian national rights, converting the PLO to a municipal authority, was a patent fraud: ". . . the alleged peace that the rulers and tyrants are falling over themselves to make with the Jews is nothing but a massive betrayal, epitomized by their signing of the documents of capitulation and surrender of the Holy City of Jerusalem and all of Palestine to the Jews, and their acknowledgement of Jewish sovereignty over Palestine for ever."

In a March, 1997 interview with Robert Fisk of the London Independent, bin Laden again made clear that Israel was a primary grievance. Referring to the Khobar Towers bombing in Saudi Arabia the year before, he said: "The explosion in al-Khobar did not come as a direct reaction to the American occupation, but as a result of American behavior against Muslims, its support of Jews in Palestine and of the massacres of Muslims in Palestine and Lebanon - of Sabra and Chatila and Qana - and of the Sharm el-Sheikh conference." Sabra and Chatila was a 1982 massacre of over a thousand Palestinian refugees by Israel's Phalangist Christian allies in Lebanon; Qana was a U.N. base attacked by Israel in 1996, in which roughly a hundred Lebanese were killed; Sharm el-Sheikh was an "anti-terrorism" conference in which Bill Clinton accused Hamas and Hizbollah of terrorism but said nothing of Israel's far greater violence. Events like these merged Israel and the U.S. in bin Laden's mind. ""For us there is no difference between the American and Israeli governments or between the American and Israeli soldiers."

Four months after the 1998 attacks on the U.S. Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, which Bin Laden disclaimed responsibility for, he returned to the theme of the betrayal of Palestine: "Every time a king meets a president they say they have 'discussed the Palestinian issue,' but over half a century a clear picture has emerged: they have abandoned the mujahidin in Palestine. . . they have given a guilty verdict on those lions whose fathers and brothers have been killed, imprisoned, tortured, and persecuted . . . . I don't know what people are waiting for after this clearest of betrayals, and after the shameful way in which the Arab rulers have acted in the interests of the Jews or America."

An interesting side note on the Nairobi Embassy bombing concerns a young Arab questioned by F.B.I. investigator Stephen Gaudin. Identifying himself as Khaled Saleem bin Rasheed from Yemen, he shouted at Gaudin: "You want to blame this (bombing) on me? It's your fault, your country's fault for supporting Israel!" Livid at the death toll, he asked Gaudin: "Why did these people have to die? They had nothing to do with the United States and Israel and Palestine!"

In a statement faxed to Al Jazeera on September 24, 2001, bin Laden excoriated USrael hypocrisy in waxing moralistic on the issue of human rights while it was engaged in wholesale killing in Iraq and Palestine: "Until this point, a million innocent children have been killed in Iraq . . . As I speak, Israeli tanks and bulldozers are going in and wreaking havoc and sin in Palestine - in Jenin, in Ramallah, in Rafah, in Beit Jala . . . . and we do not hear anyone protesting or even lifting a finger to stop it." He insisted on reciprocal security or none at all: "I swear by God Almighty Who raised the heavens without effort that neither America nor anyone who lives there will enjoy safety until safety becomes a reality for us living in Palestine and before all the infidel armies leave the land of Muhammad." The U.S. response came two weeks later, when the White House announced that it had asked the five major U.S. T.V. networks to censor footage of al-Qaeda. National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice "urged all the American network chiefs not to screen videos of Bin Laden."

In a October 21, 2001 interview with Al Jazeera reporter Taysir Alluni in Afghanistan, bin Laden expressed outrage that President Bush and Colin Powell had promised in their first few months in office that "they would move the U.S. embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, and that Jerusalem would be the eternal capital of Israel." Asked about the justification for killing innocent civilians, Bin Laden condemned Washington's selective and self-serving morality: "Whenever we kill their civilians, the whole world yells . . . . and America starts putting pressure on its allies and puppets. . . . What about the people that have been killed in our lands for decades? . . . Who said that our blood isn't blood and that their blood is blood? . . . More than 1,000,000 children died in Iraq, and they are still dying . .. . Everyday in Palestine, children are killed . . . . How is it that these people are moved when civilians die in America, and not when we are being killed everyday?" Near the end of the interview he returned to the constant killing in Palestine: "By what right are our families in Palestine denied safety? The helicopters hunt them while they are in their homes, while they are amongst their women and children; everyday the bodies and wounded are removed."

In an interview published in London's Al Quds on November 12, 2001, bin Laden explained that, "The United States and their allies are killing us in Palestine, Chechnya, Kashmir, and Iraq," so "that's why Muslims have the right to carry out revenge attacks on the U.S.." He added that the democratic nature of the U.S. government implicated all Americans in such crimes. "The American people should remember that they pay taxes to their government and that they voted for their president. Their government makes weapons and provides them to Israel, which they use to kill Palestinian Muslims. Given that the American Congress is a committee that represents the people, the fact that it agrees with the actions of the American government proves that America in its entirety is responsible for the atrocities that it is committing against Muslims. . . . The onus is on Americans to prevent Muslims from being killed at the hands of their government."

In a statement recorded for release to Al Jazeera in December 2001, bin Laden reiterated his claim that the 911 attacks were retaliation for the West's injustices against Muslims worldwide. Once again, he drew attention to Palestine: "Our terrorism against America is a praiseworthy terrorism in defense against the oppressor, in order that America will stop supporting Israel, who kills our sons."

In a letter to the American people on October 6, 2002, bin Laden posed the question, "Why are we fighting and opposing you?" He answered succinctly: "Because you attacked us and continue to attack us." He again drew special attention to Palestine. "The creation and continuation of Israel is one of the greatest crimes, and you are the leaders of its criminals. . . . The creation of Israel is a crime which must be erased . . . The British handed over Palestine, with your help and your support, to the Jews, who have occupied it for more than 50 years, years overflowing with oppression, tyranny, crimes, killing, expulsion, destruction, and devastation." He rejected out of hand tortured Zionist justifications for taking control of the land: "It brings us both laughter and tears to see that you have not yet tired of repeating your fabricated lies that the Jews have a historical right to Palestine, as it was promised to them in the Torah." Debate, he noted, is not tolerated, as "anyone who disputes with them on this alleged fact is accused of anti-semitism." But the Zionist legend claiming justification for Israel "is one of the most fallacious, widely-circulated fabrications in history," since "the people of Palestine are pure Arabs and original Semites." Therefore, "it is the Muslims who are the inheritors of Moses (peace be upon him) and the inheritors of the real Torah that has not been changed," so "if the followers of Moses have been promised a right to Palestine in the Torah, then the Muslims are the most worthy nation of this."

Living under elected government, he went on, "the American people have chosen, consented to, and affirmed their support for Israel's oppression of the Palestinians, the occupation and usurpation of their land, and its continuous killing, torture, punishment, and expulsion of the Palestinians." Better choices exist. "The American people have the ability and choice to refuse the policies of their government, and even to change it if they want."

On the matter of violence, he observed that "If Sharon is a man of peace in the eyes of Bush," (which Bush declared he was), "then we are also men of peace. America does not understand the language of manners and principles, so we are addressing it using the language it understands."

In a video dated February 14, 2003, bin Laden warned that "The current Zionist-Crusader campaign . . . is the most dangerous and rabid ever . . . He claimed again that al-Qaeda's violence was merely retaliation, since "we strike them (the U.S.) because of their injustice towards us in the Islamic world, especially in Palestine and Iraq, and their occupation of Saudi Arabia. He observed that the 60 states identified by President Bush as prime targets in his "crusade" against terror pretty much defined the Islamic world. "Is the Islamic world not around 60 states? . . . Did they not say that they want to change the region's ideology, which vents hatred against the Americans?"

In a statement broadcast by Al-Jazeera a month after the Madrid train bombings in 2004 bin Laden accused Washington of "persistently ignor[ing] the real problem, which is the occupation of Palestine," and decried the double standard that allowed U.S. leaders to "indulge in lies and deceit about our right to self-defense," which proved "they have no self-respect." "They show contempt for peoples' blood and minds through such deceit, but it only means that your blood will continue to be shed." He was not too blinded by passion to see the injustice being done to ordinary Americans: ". . . an important truth becomes clear, which is that we are both suffering injustice at the hands of your leaders, who send your sons to our countries, despite their objections, to kill and be killed." He identified a common enemy benefitting from all the carnage: "It is all too clear . . . who benefits most from stirring up this war and bloodshed: the merchants of war, the bloodsuckers who direct world policy. . . President Bush . . . the big media . . . the United Nations . . . These and others are groups who are a mortal danger to the entire world, the most dangerous and difficult of these being the Zionist lobby . . ."

Condemning the transparent fraud of Bush's talk of peace, he asked: "Why hasn't he spoken about the one who slit open the bellies of pregnant women in Sabra and Shatila . . . the 'man of peace' [Ariel Sharon]?" He reiterated that al-Qaeda violence was retaliatory: "We only killed Russians after they invaded Afghanistan and Chechnya, we only killed Europeans after they invaded Afghanistan and Iraq, and we only killed Americans after they supported the Jews in Palestine and invaded the Arabian peninsula. . . " He offered to make peace with any state that agreed to leave Muslims alone: "So I present to them this peace proposal, which is essentially a commitment to cease operations against any state that pledges not to attack Muslims or intervene in their affairs . . . It will come into effect on the departure of its last soldier from our lands."

Just days before Bush was re-(s)elected in November 2004, bin Laden released a video telling the American people that its security was in its own hands, that it could achieve safety by reigning in its lawless government. "We have been fighting you because we are free men who cannot acquiesce in injustice . . . Just as you violate our security, so we violate yours. Whoever encroaches upon the security of others and imagines that he will himself remain safe is but a foolish criminal. When disasters happen, intelligent people look for the reasons behind them, so they can avoid them in the future."

Bin Laden's determination to rectify the injustice of dismembering Palestine is apparently not going away. On March 20, 2008 a videotape reputed to be his was aired on Al Jazeera, in which he urged holy war on behalf of the Palestinians. "Palestine cannot be retaken by negotiations and dialogue, but with fire and iron."

The Sources:

"Bin laden accuses pope of 'crusade' in new tape," March 20, 2008 msnbc.com

Bruce Lawrence, ed., "Messages To The World: The Statements of Osama bin Laden" (Verso, 2005)

Lawrence Wright, "The Looming Tower: Al-Qaeda and the Road to 9/11," (Knopf, 2006)

Alfred Lilienthal, "The Zionist Connection - What Price Peace?" (Dodd, Mead, 1978)

Anonymous, "Imperial Hubris - Why The West Is Losing The War on Terror," (Brassey's, 2004)

Robert Fisk, "The Great War For Civilisation - The Conquest of the Middle East," (Knopf, 2005)

-----Michael K. Smith is the author of "Portraits of Empire" and "The Madness of King George (illustrations by Matt Wuerker,) from Common Courage Press. He can be reached at proheresy@yahoo.com

Thursday, September 7, 2017

Help The Dreamers

More Dreamers Who Need Our Help

More than half a million Americans who are living on the street dream of having a roof over their heads.

More than 20% of American children dream of not being poor.

Several million Americans who are unemployed dream of having jobs.

More than ten million Americans  without health care dream of being able to see a doctor when they get sick.

Only a partial listing of people who dream of having better lives.

All of them could use some help.





OMG ! OMG ! OMG !

The New York Times

September 07, 2017

TOP STORIES
Thousands of fake Facebook and Twitter accounts that were used to influence the 2016 election have something in common: Russian fingerprints

Thursday, September 7, 2017 1:06 PM EDT

The Russian information attack on the election did not stop with the hacking and leaking of Democratic emails or the fire hose of stories that battered Mrs. Clinton on Russian outlets like RT and Sputnik.

They sent photos of their meals !

They sent photos of their pets !

They sent meaningless, infantile, boring comments about their lives and occasional thoughts !

And all of this to interfere with, confuse, and abuse our sacred, world's most powerful and wonderful democracy !

DOESN'T IT MAKE YOU JUST WANT TO NUKE THEM ?

Monday, September 4, 2017

Deranged Nazi Shouting "Jews Will Not Replace Us" Buried Alive By Israeli Bulldozer

Legalienation News Bureau
Jerusalem

A Nazi viciously shouting "Jews will not replace us" was buried alive today in his home by an Israeli army bulldozer. Sharif Fadi, a Palestinian Arab, had a long history of anti-Semitism, as evidenced by repeated efforts to interfere with Israeli home demolitions in areas slated for Jewish settlement construction in Arab East Jerusalem. Several years of prior counseling designed to wean him from his Jew hatred failed in the face of his obstinate belief that "redeeming" Arab land by stealing it and turning it over to Jewish fanatics was shameless abuse. "No one could shake him from this irrational belief," said his counselor Linda Khalidi.

A spokesman for the Israeli Army regretted Fadi's "mental problems," which he blamed for his death, stating that Fadi was "accidentally decapitated" when he dove in front of the bulldozer's advancing blade. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu banned family funeral arrangements on the basis that Fadi "is already buried." 






Saturday, September 2, 2017

Buy Cheap, Sell Dear, and Drop Dead.

 
An organic political economic system desperately in need of change from its roots is still being operated as though snipping some damaged petals and watering it with more distilled liquid will make a difference while disregarding the deadly poisoned plot from which it emanates. The growing evidence that producing everything humanity needs for survival and growth purely on the basis of that production creating private profit at a market, which will then, according to the dogma, produce social good, is still operative and bringing humanity closer to a point at which physical salvation could become impossible.

Now operating for several hundred years and most recently dominated by the USA, the global system of capitalism shows more signs of disintegration than even its leading 19th century critic forecast, with political, economic and ecological systems showing signs of breakdown all desperately denied by the minority of humanity which still remains on the profit side of the ledger, though it grows smaller in number every day even as its profits grow greater. Where once there were hundreds of thousands of millionaires now there are thousands of billionaires, holding staggering personal wealth to make feudal lords and pharaohs of the past seem paupers by comparison. And most of this occurs in places almost laughingly if not tragically calling themselves democracies, even with vast numbers  of their populations living in poverty and most who are still called a middle class carrying enormous debt in order to survive.

The system was never just, for most humans, and always represented a long-term threat, for all humans, but its social democratic regimes' ability to spread productive gains over greater populations has long masked its longer range potential for disaster. As that unmistakable pattern becomes clear to all but the willfully blind and profitably ignorant, more people among the majority rally for the radical changes necessary and resistance to that grows among the minority still reaping benefits from the capitalist practices that have brought so much wealth to so many, even while spreading poverty, misery, deprivation and total devastation to greater numbers of people than any historical stumbling and bumbling of humanity’s past.

It took us millennia to move from the seas to the trees to the caves and from nomadic to settled populations in what we eventually called civil societies, as decidedly uncivil as many of them have been and still are. The next move should be towards actual civility among billions of us or it could lead to oblivion for all of us. The ecosystem signs of danger have been obvious to a minority of social critics for almost two hundred years but the evidence has grown so overwhelming that it is now possible for majorities without specialized skills to see, feel and understand the dangers of treating the natural environment  as simply another tool to be used as private profit creator in a market environment of humans reduced to consumers of  mostly wanton waste.

Whether it is definably material elements like air, land and water, or seemingly less definable immaterial elements like spirit, psyche, and myth, all are under great stress that affects both the definable and still unknown aspects of humanity’s quality and meaning of life. If the food we eat, the air we breathe, the land we till and the societies we build are all simultaneously in danger of contamination, the outcome should be clear and our actions should be equally so in order to save our race and its future. While moves in the direction of the radical change necessary for salvation are encouraging, the power of private capital in control of almost all governments in the world will spell doom if it continues to rule. The growing but still slow move toward real democracy needs to take up far more speed in removing negative minority regimes and replacing them with positive majority forces of democracy which work for the greater good of all and not just the greater profit of a few.Whether what we create is labeled socialism, safe sex, a sharing economy, pattacake ,santaland, trani-town or some other meaningless blather such as we've become accustomed to in the marketplace, its substance needs to be democratic and its outcome the betterment of all humanity. Labels, as always, matter much less than the content of what they label.








Thursday, August 31, 2017

Nationalists,Racists, Neo-Fascists and Capitalism



While neo-liberals fight neo-conservatives in a war between roommates, the landlord and bank keep collecting rent and mortgage payments and are hardly noticed by most of the battling tenants. The lesser evil political system we call a democracy in which only a minority actually votes for winning Demublicans simply perpetuates its political economic foundation, which is crumbling not only in the USA and Europe but all over the world. Or the planet, to use the brand name popular among many wishing to bring about change but too often manipulated into finding it in the sex, skin tone, religion or sales pitch of the individual alleged changer. The present episode of Trump as villain president is a typical case - if more serious than any in recent history - as millions are programmed into opposition to him, while remaining unaware of the anti-social capitalist roots of the problem which bring the austerity, inequality, wars and environmental destruction which have been going on since the 19th century but at a much faster pace since the 1970s.

What is both positively and negatively labeled Nationalism is often human reaction to capital forcefully transforming people and earth to promote private profit with no regard for communities in process of being destroyed by that economic system. What would identity group labelers call Indians, Palestinians, and others whose lives became commodities for colonial capital and who rebelled against them? Xenophobes? Nationalists? Racists? That’s what they might look like from the high rise, the hilltop or the ivory tower, but at street-level things are very different from the theoretical-academic vantage point of that economic high ground where many, if a dwindling number, are privileged to reside.

Derogatory labeling of people as neo-fascists is often the practice of those who do quite well in that liberal democratic state in which great majorities never vote for the neo-lib-con professional class who strengthen capitalism with essays and term papers about change read by their peers while rarely if ever being activated if what they propose is radical. These treat majority workers in missionary fashion as under educated and even lesser human material - unless they are of politically correct chosen people of the moment -only speaking of and about them and rarely if ever to them. Whether fundamentalist worshippers at the church of market forces or more sophisticated language manipulators of  control techniques useful in maintaining class privileges, the same divisive social forces at work now were those that helped the downfall of the Russian revolution and the triumph of fascism in Germany. 

Sometimes sincere advocates of change who were at best unable or at worst unwilling to communicate with the great mass of the population which, in the first place attempted a revolution eventually destroyed by forces within and outside the nation - including invaders from the USA -, and second, allowing an arch-reactionary force to make more sense to those suffering the failings of capitalism. Whether consciously or not, too many still work to help division with  politics that reduce all others to enemies and perpetuate the minority wealth that reduces people to consumers of material and intellectual waste, when they are left with enough means to consume anything at all in a credit based economy which could burst at any moment when a majority cannot pay its bills or worse, nature forecloses on a society and culture not just breaking but savaging its laws.




Those incapable of stopping the slaughter of Muslims in their homelands rise in anger against those who fear Muslim retaliation and support barring their entry into the USA. But the crisis that destroys nations, murders people and reduces so many to refugee status is the primary problem, not those reacting in fear that sometimes leads to hateful ignorance. End the first injustice and there will be no possibility of the second. Instead, the willful or helpless perpetuators of murder label the reactors who pay for it as neo-fascists, racists and worse.

Those whose jobs are lost to cheaper immigrant labor and who absorb the social costs that bring greater profit to capital – the backbone of this economy since immigrants came here in the 15th century – are labeled derogatorily in the same fashion and in the same reactionary spirit. But if instead of lower economic end Spanish speaking immigrants from the south we had millions of English speaking upper end professionals entering the country from Canada, the reaction would likely be the same though coming from different economic strata. If we could get lawyers for 25 dollars an hour, teachers for 12.50 and doctors for 30, many Americans would be delighted while those of formerly upper middle incomes would be reduced to screaming about job, property and status loss – with good reason - and a few at the extremes might soon be parading about with shaved heads and swastika tattoos. The economic system that sets people apart by bringing great benefits to some only at great cost to others goes unquestioned. Only the divisiveness and labeling is highlighted.

Armed to the teeth under “fascist” Trump? We spent 600 billion on warfare under alleged peacenik Obama and started a multi billion-dollar program to upgrade nuclear weapons and further arm Israel in its democratic humanitarian suppression of Palestinians. Of course, the Palestinians are all nationalist-identitarian-xenophobe-racist-neofasicsts. Trump is a big individual problem, as is any CEO of this imperial corporation but the political economy of war capitalism is the much bigger problem, and its supporters, servants and willful or innocent constituents are not simply found on the right.

Fascist-populist-hate labeling brings comfort to some who can afford the high end marketplace community but can be demeaning to those carrying the social burdens at the lower end neighborhood of that same mall, though both play a role in maintaining the profits of private capital in divided groups which should be working together to make the entire community better for all its people. In this way, economic class barriers grow larger, more divisive and less visible, playing right into the identity group conflicts which are more easily seen and used by our rulers to keep democracy a word without meaning.

The political economy that lavishes billions of dollars on warfare and pet care while millions of its people live in poverty and lack health care and even housing is liberal and conservative, not either one or the other. It’s people who are of color, no color, some color, straight, gay or bent. It isn’t simply a good or bad person, however good some us think ourselves and however bad some of us are. We are part of a system that needs to be changed, radically, not simply part of a fake democracy which shuffles representatives of minority wealth every couple of years. Labels, including hate speech simplifiers, are used to manipulate us into continued buying of a stale and rotten product. It’s time we learn to understand the substance of our society and not just the words we are programmed to use, and abuse, in belief in its individualist myths and in opposition to one another.


Nationalism, like resistance to gentrification or immigration, is often the reaction of communities being radically changed by outside forces with no input from the people of those communities or nations. Are those who resent development that changes their high crime-low income community to a higher income-lower crime community all nimby ”not-in-my-backyard” types? Or do they express political economic protest, even if limited to only their own immediate surroundings, over having their survival further threatened? 

Are protesters against immigration which takes jobs from their communities and transforms those places in language and culture, with absolutely no voice in that transformation, all guilty of hate? Or are they just like anti-gentrification folk, with economic and other protests against change in their lives and communities over which they have no control?

Labeling protesters against immigration changing communities over which they no longer feel at home as evil nationalists or racists - as though immigrants were another race - makes perverted sense only if supporters of gentrification and immigration were labeled capitalist, globalization supporting colonialists for their anti-human policies that bring profit to those outside those communities and loss to those within. Ignorance and hate are not the best ways to stand against ignorance and hate.

Ultimately, we need to see the community we all inhabit – that rebranded “planet” – and all its inhabitants as dwellers on and in a common space, in a common time of great stress in which humanity must, and finally can, come to democratic practice in running the political economy by changing it from the destructive path the current form is on to a new, more positive and hopeful road that will assure a future for all, and not just a privileged few. If conditioned product-commodity label identification is imprinted in our heads, it’s long past time to change that label from an identity group minority “them” to the majority group humanity “us”. 







Monday, August 28, 2017

Pampered & Privileged vs. Privileged & Pampered




Extreme fringes of the American electorate, hardly indicative of mainstream thinking if such exists, have occupied headlines in major media since the Charlottesville events. That relatively small demonstration by conservative-right sources ranging from nationalists to separatists to Nazis and alienated people without labels was countered by an outpouring of relatively liberal-left numbers of a more generally popular though as alienated from actual roots among the electorate group. Counter demonstrations which include violence have become more popular since the election of Trump, though it was evident during his campaign when attenders of some of his rallies encountered mobs of righteous and often violent opposition. The general climate of acceptability of acting like animals when encountering other humans seen as animals is becoming more popular under a media barrage of mind management that would make fictional dictatorial thought control seem like anarchic freedom by comparison.

The cause of righteousness is popular among people in the USA who tolerate a value system that puts war and domestic pets higher than some human life in foreign countries or living in poverty here. This system, entertained, if sometimes critically, by the left and the right of capital, is too often left out of the picture of righteousness in a conflict that pits relatively privileged people with time to demonstrate against other relatively privileged people with more time to demonstrate. Given our systemic foundation and propaganda structure, programmed personal alienating factors about race, sex, ethnicity and religion loom much larger than material realities involving possession of dollars. The prevalence of statue consciousness taking precedence over class consciousness is one of many indicators of this conflict being at the behest of, and hardly representing any even remote threat to, prevailing minority power over a failing political economic system whose headquarters in the USA approach the shape of its former colonies.

Middle class travelers who once had to visit third world countries in order to see appalling poverty can now go downtown to dinner and find people sleeping in doorways, on the pavement or on colder nights even under parked cars, in most major cities in America. After dinner, some of them go home and plan protest demonstrations against hate, blacks, white supremacy, Jews, goys, gays, girls, boys, trannies, Nazis, the Klan and other villains. None of the pampered and privileged will protest or demonstrate, peacefully or violently, about white supremacist billionaires and their well-paid servant class members of all those groups. Don’t hang by your lip waiting for them to do so, since they maintain pampered and privileged status by only opposing weaker, not more powerful forces.

Instead of watching a spectacle of ruling minority organized theater which may eventually kill many innocent people, the less pampered and privileged need to start demonstrating for majority concerns like ending war, fossil fuel energy and poverty by creating public banks, national health care, full employment, real democracy and confiscating of minority billionaire wealth to begin paying for these and more programs. Some among the pampered privileged minority may even eventually see the light and join the majority, which is where they should have been in the first place.

Sunday, August 20, 2017

How The U.S. Really Reacted to Nazism



Appeasement or Collaboration?
What if the disaster of the Second World War resulted not from an underestimate of the evils of Nazism but from a consistent attempt to cooperate with it?
                      —Christopher Hitchens

       .
If appeasement is the explanation for Washington's delayed recognition of the Nazi danger, what are we to make of the extensive American business relations with Germany all during the Third Reich?
      Major corporations headquartered in the U.S. found the Nazi agenda a refreshing change from the sharp class conflict of the Weimar years. As soon as Hitler took power in January 1933 he set about abolishing unions, dramatically slashing wages, eliminating worker benefits, ignoring workplace safety standards, privatizing government enterprise, funneling subsidies to major corporations, and sharply reducing taxes for the very rich. At the same time, he pursued an aggressively anti-Communist foreign policy, massively expanding his military strength as a prelude to annexing Austria and Czechoslovakia. While these moves were taken in stride in the West, Hitler’s widely advertised threat to crush the Soviet Union actually found favor among Western elites, who had long dreamed of doing away with the Bolsheviks.
Investment patterns reveal striking sympathies among U.S. business leaders. Coinciding with the advent of Nazism, U.S. investment in Germany soared by nearly 50%, while declining elsewhere on the continent. Unable to resist the cheap labor, low business taxes, and dazzling profits, Du Pont, Ford, General Motors, Westinghouse, Goodrich, Standard Oil of New Jersey, J. P. Morgan, I.B.M., and I.T.T., ignored omnipresent terror and murder in favor of conducting a booming business with the Reich.
Greatly enhancing the destructive capability of the Nazi military, American owned factories supplied Germany with tanks, trucks, fighter planes, bombers, oil imports, synthetic fuels, synthetic rubber, and advanced communications technology. These materials were used to kill Allied troops, bomb British cities, and sink Allied ships. Meanwhile, IBM prospered from providing Germany with the punch cards and machines it needed to target, enslave, and murder millions of Jews and other victims of Nazi eugenics throughout Europe.
Some plutocrats did not cease their collaboration even after the continent was plunged into war in 1939. Some of them continued business with the Nazis all through the war, readily making use of slave labor delivered by German authorities. According to declassified Dutch documents and U.S. government archives, Prescott Bush, father and grandfather of later U.S. presidents, realized lavish profits off of Auschwitz slave labor. His Union Banking Corporation helped Thyssen to make the Nazi steel that killed Allied soldiers and assisted the financing of Thyssen coal mines that routinely worked Jewish prisoners to death.
U.S. companies kept control of their German subsidiaries with minimal interference from Hitler, who was mainly interested in maintaining production. Meanwhile, Washington did nothing to interfere with U.S.-based corporations directly servicing the German war machine. In fact, President Roosevelt actually issued an order not to bomb U.S. corporate property in Germany or German-occupied Europe. When Cologne was razed by Allied bombers, its Ford factory—at the time turning out army vehicles used to kill U.S. troops—was undamaged. German civilians took to using it as a bomb shelter. After the war, I.T.T. collected $27 million from the U.S. government in compensation for damages inflicted on its German plants by Allied bombing raids. General Motors received $33 million and Ford and other companies collected their own sizable indemnifications.
In addition to investing heavily in Germany, American firms bankrolled Mussolini from the early twenties and continued to ship him oil even after he invaded Ethiopia in clouds of mustard gas. It imposed a unilateral arms embargo on Spain (while Italy and Germany poured in troops and weapons to Franco), complained of Japan’s closed door rather than its massive atrocities in China, refused to join the U.S.S.R. in a united front against Nazism until far too late, failed to prosecute the major firms illegally trading with the Axis all through the war, installed fascist collaborators in the wake of successive military victories, and hired Nazis to continue their anti-Communist bloodletting on the U.S. payroll once the war was declared over. Finally, in a war effort that many Americans took to be a human rights crusade against Germany’s vicious treatment of Jews, it led segregated troops into battle, dispatched 120,000 innocent Japanese-Americans to concentration camps, and adopted wholesale extermination of civilians as a routine tactic of its air war.
In Asia the story worked out much the same. The U.S. re-installed the collaborationist Filipino elite, securing huge military bases and economic privileges while suppressing the Huk independence movement that helped liberate the country from the Japanese. In South Korea, Washington preserved Japan’s dictatorship in order to suppress the emergence of a popular left-wing government, allowing “enemy” Japanese soldiers wearing United States Military Government armbands to patrol the streets. In Indonesia, Japanese troops kept under arms by the British fought to suppress an Indonesian independence movement using U.S. weapons. In China, the U.S. propped up Chiang Kai-shek and suppressed all evidence of Japan’s biological warfare program in order to retain the Japanese “findings” for its own use, awarding the chief criminals generous pensions in return for their cooperation.
Such were the general features of the “good war.”
In this context “appeasement” makes little sense as an explanation for the war. Britain, France, the U.S., and a dozen other Western nations had not been too war-weary to invade the Soviet Union in 1918 after four of the most blood-soaked years the world had ever seen. A generation later they were still ready to fight Communism, but not Fascism, even though the Soviets had renounced world revolution in 1921 and Hitler spelled out his expansionist agenda with brutal clarity three years later in Mein Kampf. Furthermore, fear of war’s deadly consequences carries little explanatory force given that German military capacities remained weak all through the thirties and were far from overwhelming even when Hitler conquered France in the spring of 1940.
In spite of the relative ease with which it might have been accomplished, the West made no timely effort to stop Hitler; not in 1934, when Nazi thugs assassinated the Austrian Prime Minister; not in 1936, when Germany reoccupied the Rhineland in violation of the Versailles Treaty; not in 1938, when Hitler annexed Austria and dismembered Czechoslovakia; not in 1939 when he invaded Poland while the West largely sat on its hands; not in 1940 when France collapsed nearly as quickly as had Poland, because the French establishment preferred Hitler to the Communist-Socialist People’s Front, which was the alternative. For most of these years the U.S. perceived the Nazi dictator as an ideological “moderate” who had restored German economic strength and kept the Bolshevik hordes at bay, and even after it began to fear Hitler, it sought to make the U.S.S.R. do the bulk of the fighting, which is precisely how the war turned out. Ambassador William E. Dodd’s regular warnings that soaring U.S. trade with the Reich was directly aiding Hitler’s massive re-armament campaign merely fell on deaf ears, until he was finally replaced by a diplomat friendlier to the Nazis.
Clement Leibovitz and Alvin Finkel, co-authors of a study critical of the appeasement hypothesis, dismiss altogether the idea that placating the Nazis accounts for the policies that consistently aided them:
... the argument here is that “appeasement”—the notion that a war-weary Britain humored Hitler’s wish to gobble up small countries, in order to avoid another European-wide slaughter—is a myth. Chamberlain and his followers made clear that they did not wish to fight fascism as such—indeed, that they admired many aspects of fascism. They were not trying to avoid a war; their whole intention was to turn Nazi militarism loose in a bloody confrontation with the Soviet Union to end Bolshevism in its heartland. Hitler was to be given a free hand in Eastern Europe so that this common end could be achieved. ‘Appeasement’ was no more than a public front constructed to appease public disgust with the Nazis and the Nazis’ treatment of minorities such as the Jews and small nations such as Czechoslovakia and Austria.
The outbreak of World War II marked not the failure of “appeasement” but the collapse of the tacit pact between British and German leaders.1
Furthermore, the West proved overtly hostile to genuinely anti-fascist movements, which developed in Spain, where the U.S. imposed a unilateral arms embargo on the anti-Franco forces, and among the peasant and worker-based resistance that fought German occupation throughout Europe, where Washington disarmed, dispersed, and destroyed popular forces. These policies existed in sharp contrast to those awarding a free hand to Mussolini in Abyssinia, Franco in Spain, and Hitler in Central Europe—and this at a time when fascism could have been stopped at relatively low cost.
What historian Gabriel Kolko calls the “problem of the left” made it impossible for the Roosevelt Administration to embrace a genuinely anti-fascist ethic. The problem of the left was that European resistance movements were led by socialists, social democrats, and Communists, whose convictions clashed with Anglo-American hegemonic designs. As British historian Basil Davidson explains, the wartime collapse of traditional ruling groups and fascist collaborators yielded a situation where “large and serious resistance came and could only come under left-wing leadership and inspiration ... the self-sacrifice and vision required to begin an effective resistance, and then rally others to the same cause, were found only among radicals and revolutionaries.” These, in turn, were mostly men and women who “followed the hope and vision of a radical democracy.” As South African Prime Minister Jan Christiaan Smuts warned Winston Churchill after the fall of Mussolini, “with politics let loose among those peoples, we may have a wave of disorder and wholesale Communism set going all over those parts of Europe.” Communism meant not domination from Moscow but the ascendancy of popular movements dedicated to collective social designs placing fundamental human needs ahead of private gain.
Washington’s strategy had been not to risk everything on behalf of democracy, but rather, to let others fight fascism. As FDR once confided to his son, the U.S. tried to function as “reserves” while the Soviets exhausted themselves holding off the Nazi onslaught, after which Washington would deliver the coup de grace, which is very much how things turned out. According to Roosevelt scholar Warren Kimball, “aid to the Soviet Union became a presidential priority” only on the assumption that Red Army victories would obviate the need for U.S. troops to fight a ground war in Europe. Senator Harry Truman went even further, stating after the German invasion of Russia in June 1941 that the U.S. should strive to bring about the two countries’ mutual annihilation: “If we see that Germany is winning we ought to help Russia and if Russia is winning we ought to help Germany and that way let them kill as many as possible.”
With the collapse of the Axis powers the U.S. took over the world, an outcome wartime planners had anticipated from the beginning. A week after the U.S. entered the war Isaiah Bowman, Director of the Council on Foreign Relations, wrote Hamilton Fish Armstrong that the U.S. government had to “accept world responsibility ... The measure of our victory will be the measure of our domination after victory.” In the spirit of selfless imperialism so popular down through the ages, “responsibility” meant unilateral authority, which Washington gladly seized while talking of its “obligation” to rule the world for the benefit of all.2
The Holocaust
As noted previously, the eugenic movement to fashion a blonde-haired, blue-eyed, Nordic master race preceded Hitler’s rise to power by three decades and far transcended German national boundaries. Furthermore, Jews were only one of many groups subjected to systematic destruction. Though it is probably impossible to determine with any precision how many millions were ultimately killed in the pursuit of this perverse ideal, it is certainly more than the millions of Jews who were murdered in the Holocaust. For in addition to the Jewish victims, there were also up to a million Gypsies, hundreds of thousands of disabled people, perhaps a million or more dissidents, not to mention millions of Soviet prisoners of war and many more millions of Soviet civilians, who were variously frozen, starved, shot, hanged, worked to death, or infected with disease after Hitler ordered the U.S.S.R. razed to the ground in the summer of 1941. In short, the real death toll from the Nazis’ mass murder of non-combatants in WWII is closer to 15-20 million than six million.3
But as psychologist Stephan Chorover points out, acknowledging the full scope of this horror is no simple matter:
As a Jew who lost many relatives to the Nazis between 1933 and 1945, it has not been easy for me to grasp the reality that ‘the final solution of the Jewish problem’ was part of a much broader racial purification process that was intended to exterminate human beings deemed to be deviant, degenerate, diseased, disordered, or otherwise ‘devoid of value.’ Yet the monstrous reality is that the Nazi extermination program was a logical extension of sociobiological ideas and eugenics doctrines which had nothing specifically to do with Jews and which flourished widely in Germany well before the era of the Third Reich.4
As we have seen, the doctrine of white supremacy held considerable sway in privileged circles in the U.S. as well, which makes the common supposition that Washington went to war to stop Hitler’s race crimes scarcely credible. In actual fact the U.S. joined the war before news of mass killing of Jews reached the West, and thereafter treated the plight of Jewish refugees as an annoyance rather than a strategic priority. The State Department actually feared an inundation of Jewish refugees and obstructed rescue at every turn. In fact, it went to considerable lengths to suppress evidence of the catastrophe in order to reduce public pressure on the government to act.
By November 1942 Washington had solid evidence that European Jews faced extinction. In December, Britain, the U.S.S.R., the U.S., and the governments of eight occupied countries signed a declaration protesting Berlin’s “intention to exterminate the Jewish people in Europe” and condemning “in the strongest possible terms this bestial policy of cold-blooded extermination.” But no action followed, even though ships were available to transport Jews out of the danger zone. The official U.S. view held that the refugees were a “burden” and a “danger” whose entrance into the U.S. would stimulate anti-Semitism. Assistant Secretary of State Breckinridge Long, a major obstructionist of rescue efforts, worried that saving Jews would make Washington vulnerable to Nazi charges that the U.S. was fighting “at the instigation of and direction of our Jewish citizens,” apparently a dreadful prospect.
It took 14 long months for FDR to act on what he knew about Germany’s policy toward Jews, and he finally did so only because tremendous public pressure threatened to explode into a nasty scandal. While millions of Jews were killed the U.S. admitted less than 10% of its legally allowed quota of Jewish immigrants—just 21,000 in the 3.5 years it was at war with the Nazis.
The Catch-22 for Europe’s Jews was that under Nazi domination there were no U.S. Consuls to issue them visas, but when they made it to Spain, Portugal or North Africa, they were judged to be “not in acute danger” and denied visas! Treasury Department lawyers investigating the situation in 1943 reported the following:
If anyone were to attempt to work out a set of restrictions specifically designed to prevent Jewish refugees from entering this country it is difficult to conceive of how more effective restrictions could have been imposed than have already been imposed on grounds of ‘security.’ ... even if we took these refugees and treated them as prisoners of war it would be better than letting them die.5
J. Randolph Paul, an aide to Secretary Morgenthau in the Treasury Department, wrote a scorching 18-page memo on State Department obstruction, entitled: “Report to the Secretary on the Acquiescence of This Government in the Murder of the Jews.” The memo asserted the State Department was “guilty not only of gross procrastination and wilful failure to act, but even of wilful attempts to prevent action from being taken to rescue Jews from Hitler.” One passage accused State Department officials of “kicking the [rescue] matter around for over a year without producing results.” Paul characterized Breckinridge Long and other State Department officials as an American “underground movement ... to let the Jews be killed.”
But Jewish leaders, too, effectively doomed rescue for all but a few. Fixated on a post-war Jewish state in Palestine, they gave low priority to rescue efforts and did not consider them apart from the issue of statehood. At the Special Zionist Conference at New York’s Biltmore Hotel in 1942, the executive committee of a conclave of Jewish organizations turned down a Labor Committee appeal to make the plight of the Jews the principal issue. Longtime Zionist Robert Goldman warned the attending delegates that a campaign for statehood would damage rescue efforts by hardening British and Arab resistance to Jewish immigration to Palestine. He urged them to deal with the unprecedented refugee crisis instead: “The immediate problem, ladies and gentlemen, is rescue ... that is the problem we should be concerned with.” David Eidelsberg of the Morning Journal, a strong backer of Jewish statehood, nevertheless felt that its achievement was of secondary importance given prevailing circumstances: “The first task should be to save the Jews for whom Palestine is needed.” A leader of the World Jewish Congress pointed out that “unless we do our job, there may be no Jews for whom a postwar scheme of things is necessary.”
But the pleas went unheeded. After the conference passed a resolution endorsing a Jewish state, a Louisville rabbi complained that the preoccupation with Palestine had shattered Jewish unity: “We all wanted maximum help for Jews everywhere and we were getting it. Was it imperative that just now the Jewish Commonwealth idea should have been pressed and everything else made secondary to it?”
David Ben Gurion, Chairman of the Jewish Agency Executive in Palestine, had foreseen the crisis well in advance and warned against prioritizing rescue in a letter to the Zionist executive in 1938:
Millions of Jews face annihilation ...The dimensions of the refugee problem demand an immediate, territorial solution; if Palestine will not absorb them, another territory will. Zionism is endangered. All other territorial solutions, certain to fail, will demand enormous sums of money. If Jews will have to choose between the refugees, saving Jews from concentration camps, and assisting a national museum in Palestine, mercy will have the upper hand and the whole energy of the people will be channeled into saving Jews from various countries. Zionism will be struck off the agenda ... If we allow a separation between the refugee problem and the Palestine problem, we are risking the existence of Zionism (emphasis added). 6
So the extinction of European Jewry was risked instead. A broad U.S. campaign calling for open immigration for European Jews was quashed by FDR, who cited Zionist pressure against the program as justification. Morris L. Ernst, a famous New York attorney, was shocked by Zionist opposition to his efforts on behalf of Jewish rescue:
I was amazed and insulted when active Jewish leaders decried, sneered and then attacked me as if I were a traitor. At one dinner party I was openly accused of furthering this plan for more free immigration in order to undermine political Zionism. Those Jewish groups which favoured opening our doors gave little more than lip service to the Roosevelt programme. Zionist friends of mine opposed it.7 
Zionist leaders like Chaim Weizmann, the future first President of Israel, sought to preserve only a saving remnant of Jews to “redeem the land” of Palestine. Given this priority, refugeeism took a back seat and the War Refugee Board was not formed until January, 1944. It saved about 200,000 Jews and 20,000 others, but by then, millions were already dead.8
Fascism: A Threat To Private Enterprise
As war in Europe threatened to engulf the U.S., American business leaders and government officials discussed the threat that the Nazis posed to the free enterprise system. Convinced liberal capitalism could not exist in one state, the Roosevelt Administration ultimately chose to fight to keep foreign markets open, cloaking its effort to preserve freedom of private investment in the lofty rhetoric of the Atlantic Charter and the Four Freedoms.
In 1934 more than 80% of U.S. foreign trade was with countries that the U.S. enjoyed a trade surplus with. The following year General Motors president Alfred P. Sloan exclaimed that a loss of foreign markets would require “adjustments to our national economy appalling to contemplate.” By 1936 Assistant Secretary of State Francis Sayre was warning that “if we are to choose the pathway of economic self-sufficiency, we must frankly accept a system of government control over private business enterprise.” After the 1938 Munich agreement, J. Pierrepont Moffat, chief of the State Department’s European Division, explained that American commercial interests would suffer because German domination of Central and Eastern Europe meant “a still further extension of the area under a closed economy.”
In January 1940, the president of the Iron and Steel Institute warned that “in the event of war we can expect a degree of regimentation and control by Government that is now unthinkable.” The same month the Fortune group predicted: “There is a real danger ... that as a result of a long war all the belligerent powers will permanently accept some form of state-directed economic system.” Meanwhile, Business Week worried that, “We may have to sacrifice some of the notions we have held about the rights of private property owners to dispense of their property as they see fit.”
In short, U.S. business leaders and government officials feared German economic nationalism would destroy private investment. A victorious Germany that conscripted labor and converted Europe to an industrial workshop under Berlin’s sole control would deprive U.S. business leaders of the opportunity to export their surplus, which would force them into reliance on the federal government to strictly regulate the domestic economy in order to establish an internal balance between supply and demand. This concern, not beguiling rhetoric about universal human rights, formed the operative value behind U.S. foreign policy, which explains why Washington opposed the triumph of European anti-fascist resistance movements at the end of the war as much as it did Hitler during the war: both placed collectivist designs ahead of private profit and the demands of the market.
Financer Bernard Baruch explained the Nazi economic threat five days before Hitler invaded France in 1940: “Germany does not have to conquer us in a military sense. By enslaving her own labor and that of the conquered countries, she can place in the markets of the world products at a price with which we could not compete.” The next day investment banker W. Averell Harriman also stressed the economic danger of a regimented Nazified Europe: “The idea that American free enterprise can compete in the foreign markets against such competition is ludicrous.”
Three days after the Nazis occupied Paris, the American charge d’affairs in Berlin, Alexander Kirk, predicted that Hitler “will confront the United States within a brief measure of time with the impossible task of adjusting its system to an economy in which it will be excluded from access to all foreign markets.”
Days later Business Week warned that if the Nazis won the war they would set wage scales and price levels with the sole aim of capturing foreign markets for goods manufactured under their control. “The United States,” the article concluded, “would tend to become a lone [free enterprise] island in a world dominated by a philosophy of industrial coordination. We may be forced to adopt some of the totalitarian ways of doing things,” the editors observed. “We may have to sacrifice some of the notions we have held about the rights of private property owners to dispense of their property as they see fit.”
Ten days later Will Clayton, a leading cotton exporter, announced that a German victory would lead to a government controlled export economy. “If the rest of the world adopts totalitarian methods of trade,” he reasoned, “we will be compelled to conform if we wish to sell our surpluses.”
On August 15, 1940, Joel C. Hudson wrote from his consular post in Berlin that if German export plans went into effect, the position of the U.S. would be much like that of “an old-fashioned general store in a region of hard-boiled chain stores.”
By January, 1941 U.S. business journals were all worried about the potential doom of the American free enterprise system. “The great danger facing the Western Hemisphere in the event of a totalitarian victory,” Barron’s declared, “is not the immediate threat of armed invasion, but rather the threat of trade aggression.”
Two months later W. H. Schubart of the Bank of Manhattan expressed his displeasure at the prospects of a Nazi-American trade war. “If Germany wins, she will most certainly extend her clearing system,” he said. “In such a barter economy we shall not fit and much of the world trade will be denied us.”
In June, 1941 Barron’s warned: “The inevitable consequence of federal control of the export portion of the business would be that government agencies would eventually find it necessary to extend their authority to the company’s whole operations, domestic and foreign.” Meanwhile, Fortune opined: “Industry and trade, labor and agriculture would become part of a state system, which in its own self-defense, would have to take on the character of Hitler’s system. Freedom cannot be national. It must be international.”
Two months before Pearl Harbor Winthrop W. Aldrich of Chase National Bank warned the attendees of the National Foreign Trade Convention in New York that, “The tremendous power of the Nazi-dominated and regimented economy in the field of foreign trade would make it necessary for our own government to regiment our own foreign commerce.” The Business Advisory Council added its warning that, “A greater dependency on self-containment [would lead to] a degree of regulatory control destructive of free enterprise.” Finally, W. Randolph Burgess of the National City Bank noted that the U.S. had joined Great Britain in the battle against Hitler so that “his conception of foreign trade does not become dominant on this planet.”9
1933: Washington
Hitler A Moderate, Say U.S. Leaders
Outgoing President Herbert Hoover sees Hitler’s government as a mixed blessing, on the one hand “monarchical and reactionary,” on the other “bitterly hostile to the Communists,” although “curiously enough committed to a very radical...program.” Secretary of State Stimson sees the Nazis as more “a protest” than a party.
The incoming Roosevelt State Department divides the members of the new German government into moderates and extremists; Hitler is among the more sensible Nazis. Norman Davis, Roosevelt’s ambassador-at-large, reports from Germany that everything “depends upon Hitler’s ability to withstand the radical leaders of his own party.” George Gordon, the American charge d’affaires in Berlin, adds that “there is no doubt that a very definite struggle is going on between the violent radical wing of the Nazi Party...and what may be termed the more moderate section of the party, headed by Hitler himself...which appeal[s] to all civilized and reasonable people.” He concludes that, “At the present moment in my judgment the more reasonable element has the upper hand.”
The U.S. Embassy in Berlin sends assurances that Hitler’s “inflammatory statements regarding foreign policy and Germany’s mission to expand in the East” are mainly propaganda. “The Nazi war talk...and posing is simply designed to impress their followers and should be discounted.”
Pleased with the promise of strong anti-Communism, stability, and civilized order keeping Stalin’s Red Hordes at bay, American ambassador to Berlin Frederic Sackett weighs in with the judgment that, “From the standpoint of stable political conditions, it is perhaps well that Hitler is now in a position to wield unprecedented power.”28


Source:  
Schmitz, David F., (USAFI) The United States and Fascist Italy, 1922-1940, (University of North Carolina, 1988) p. 133
—(TGTOOS) Thank God They’re On Our Side—The United States & Right-Wing Dictatorships, 1921-1965, (University of North Carolina, 1999) pps. 90-1
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1934: Berlin

The Business of America Is...Supporting Nazism

Ambassador William Dodd tours Bitterfeld, Leipzig, Nuremberg, Stuttgart, Erfurt, and other German cities, taking in the results of  U.S. investment in the Reich: “Every smokestack showed great activity...[and] great preparation for war.”

According to the U.S. Consulate, factories are running round the clock to produce “poison gas and explosives.” Reports from Dresden show production of a thousand new planes.

In the U.S. protests break out against supplying the Axis with copper, steel, arms, oil, and munitions.

Washington declines to act. No serious boycott of essential resources is planned or contemplated.42


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Sources: 42 BlancheWiesen-Cook, Eleanor Roosevelt, Vol. 2, p. 331, Noam Chomsky on Posner-Donahue, April 20, 1993, archived by Alternative Radio
 
1934: Berlin
American Eugenics Popular in Germany
American eugenic researchers swell with pride at the news that Hitler has crafted legislation modeled on U.S. eugenic laws and is conferring with them on the science of racial hygiene.
American eugenics was popularized in Germany three decades ago by Geza von Hoffman, an Austro-Hungarian vice consul whose book, Racial Hygiene in the United States, treated U.S. laws on sterilization and marriage restriction at length. For many years German biology students had this book recommended to them as an indispensable reference.
Some years after Hoffman’s book appeared, German nationalists were thrilled when U.S. eugenicist Madison Grant declared in the pages of his Passing of the Great Race that Nordics were destined to rule the earth. Adolf Hitler has since written the best-selling author to praise the book as “his Bible.”
Now California immigration activist C. M. Goethe returns from a eugenic fact-finding mission to Germany and congratulates E. S. Gosney of the San Diego-based Human Betterment Foundation for his contributions to Hitler’s success. “You will be interested to know that your work has played a powerful part in shaping the opinions of the group of intellectuals who are behind Hitler in this epoch-making program. Everywhere I sensed that their opinions have been tremendously stimulated by American thought, and particularly by the work of the Human Betterment Foundation. I want you, my dear friend, to carry this thought with you for the rest of your life, that you have really jolted into action a great government of 60 million people.”
The Nazis order hundreds of thousands of sterilizations and remove non-Aryans from society.45
Source: Edwin Black, The War Against the Weak - Eugenics and America's Campaign To Create A Master Race, (Four Walls Eight Windows, 2003)pps. 264-6, 277 
1936: Berlin
Nazi vs. Jim Crow
Outraged at Nazi exclusion of non-Aryans from the Berlin Olympics, U.S. athletic groups join American Olympic officials in demanding a boycott of the Games. The First American Artists’ Congress unanimously endorses a resolution refusing cooperation with “a government which sponsors the destruction of all freedom in art...which sponsors racial discrimination, the censorship of free speech and free expression, and the glorification of war, hatred and sadism.”
Spain and the USSR refuse to participate in the Games. In the Crisis W. E. B. DuBois urges the U.S. join the boycott, but concedes its position is weak: “Upon the grounds of poor sportsmanship and discrimination, America, of course, cannot raise a very sincere howl.” Four years ago the United States discriminated against its own black athletes at the Los Angeles Games.
Hitler’s assertion that, “The Nordic race is entitled to dominate the world” echoes the longstanding position of American eugenicists. For three years U.S. officials have taken no action against his anti-Semitic outrages while major U.S. newspapers regularly carry advertisements announcing, “No Jews or Catholics need apply!”
President Roosevelt ignores the issue. With American lynchings proceeding unpunished as usual, Hitler gloats that Germany treats Jews better than the U.S. does blacks.62
1936: Berlin
Adolf Hitler
Host of this year’s Olympic Games, he diverts attention from his racial policies while winning much acclaim for his economic miracle.
Three years ago he was appointed Chancellor with the German jobless rate at 40%. Ignoring the protests of bankers and deficit hawks, he stimulated recovery with vast public works and construction subsidies to housing. Thanks to the full employment that ensued, family income increased while interest rates and military spending stayed low. Today, with the West still writhing in Depression agony, German unemployment stands at one percent.
All this, he hopes, is but a prelude to fulfilling dreams of a vast German empire over the Eurasian Heartland, ruled by men of superior blood. It is the world historical destiny of Aryans, he insists, to vanquish the Jewish-Bolshevik heresy of the masses, now threatening to destroy civilization.
Given this immense threat to Aryan blood, he feels he had no choice but to exclude Jews from public office, the civil service, journalism, radio, farming, teaching, the theater, and films. In 1934 he kicked them out of the stock exchanges and last year forbade Aryans to have sex with them. By now half of German Jews have no means of making a living and “Jews Not Admitted” signs block them from stores all over the country.
Well does Hitler know how indebted he is to Americans who have already blazed the trail of combining massive industrial power with racial hygiene laws. He frankly admires their Nordic supremacist achievements, praising Indian concentration camps in the West and U.S. efficiency in eliminating its indigenous population by starvation and massacre.63

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1938: Prague
Czech Independence: An Autopsy
“We relied upon the help that our friends might have given us; but when the question of reducing us by force arose.... Our friends...advised us to buy freedom and peace by our sacrifice...The President of the Republic and our government had no other choice, for we found ourselves alone.”76
—Czech President Eduard Benes
1938: Berlin
Munich Postscript: Anti-Nazi Coup Foiled
General Oster yearned to put Hitler in jail or an insane asylum. General Halder called him a “criminal,” a “sexual psychopath,” and a “bloodsucker.” Admiral Canaris, Chief of Army counterintelligence, said Hitler and the Nazi hierarchy were “a gang of criminals.” General Beck, Army Chief of Staff, rated the day he swore allegiance to the Fuhrer the blackest of his life. He wanted him assassinated.
Leading up to Munich Field Marshal von Witzleben readied himself to assume command of the Wehrmacht. By mid-September he and other anti-Hitler conspirators were ready to launch the coup. All they needed was a suitable pretext, which they anticipated would come when Hitler publicly announced his intention to take Czechoslovakia by force and the West faced him down. Then the plotters were to seize Hitler and launch a lightning assault on radio stations, the public phone system, ministerial teletypes, Party offices, and the SS, SD, and Gestapo headquarters.
To make sure everything went smoothly, Admiral Canaris sent an envoy to London to alert the Foreign Office to the plot and urge the British government to give maximum resistance to Hitler. But a month later British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain announced plans to settle the Czech crisis by negotiations instead, triggering joy in London, gloom in Prague, and ecstasy in Berlin.
The Czechs stood ready to fight. The Soviet Union rose to defend them. But the West, having rebuffed Moscow’s repeated overtures for a joint military security pact against the Nazis, refused to join them. Chamberlain handed over Czechoslovakia on a silver platter and returned to a hero’s welcome in London. With Hitler’s popularity soaring General Beck had no choice but to stay the coup order.
Elements of the Wehrmacht moved peacefully over the Czech border to occupy the Sudetenland. The conspirators dismantled their machinery of takeover. General Oster, Hjalmar Schact and Hans Gisevius sat around General Witzleben’s fireplace casting incriminating documents about the planned coup into the flames and pondering the catastrophe that had befallen Europe.77