Thursday, May 14, 2026

Legalienate Special: Israel Birthday Edition*

The Holocaust, Palestine, and Israel: Revision, Denial, and Myth

 

*May 14 is the anniversary of the founding of the state of Israel

 

by Frank Scott

The murderous treatment of European Jews during the Second World War has become almost legendary in its depiction as a unique and singularly important example of bigoted inhumanity, carried to barbarous extremes. No other experience from among the overwhelming number of historic cases of mass brutality has ever achieved such status in Western consciousness, partly because most of the other slaughters were of Third World, non–white people. But despite this specific outrage being portrayed as an unparalleled tragedy, injustice, bigotry and mass murder have been practiced and gone relatively unquestioned since its occurrence, contrary to the lessons supposedly learned from its example. Given this contradictory impact, it should be permissible to look, as clearly as evidence will allow, at exactly what took place, what its moral lesson could be, what its political use has been, and how it has helped perpetuate rather than end notions of racial superiority and division that have dogged the world for millennia.

 

The patriarchal belief systems on which Judaism, Christianity and Islam are all based depend on faith, far more than material evidence. What historic evidence exists is subject to human interpretation, and as an example of how varied that interpretation can be, we have these three religions. All are founded on the same original story, with similar scriptures, prophets, and the alleged word of God. God's words apparently say different things to different people at different times. Religious history, in which faith and interpretation loom large, is really not that different from secular history.

 

The original story of the United States, for instance, was one of European discovery, heroic conquest, incredible development and national triumph. That was from the standpoint of the official historians, before the revisionists had their say. A more modern interpretation of that story includes the near physical and cultural genocide of the native populations of the continents which Europe discovered, even though people had been living on them for thousands of years. A newer view of American history also saw chattel slavery as something beyond an unfortunate economic arrangement which led to civil war and racial misunderstanding, and more as an experience of murderous human degradation carried to inhuman marketing extremes, with social repercussions still apparent and still not fully understood.

 

Historic views and re-views of the past are taken by those with possible preconceptions based on their education, training and belief systems; historians can find selective truth in the material evidence at hand, while creating immaterial evidence as well, often doing so unconsciously, without any balance, and even stressing extremes. In doing this they are not substantially different from religious believers who pick and choose from what material evidence exists, if any, to fit into the belief system. God and the accepted prophets are cited to back up whatever is seen as good, righteous and just, and a Satan, with demonic assistants, is created to account for the evil, craven brutality that is the darker side of human development. Substitute us for God, and them for Satan, and we have much secular history.

 

The religious or scientific system produces its historians, who are responsible not only for interpreting the evidence according to the preconceived rules of faith and politics, but in many cases, for the creation of evidence to fit within the mental structure that thereby strengthens and reinforces the system's foundation.

 

This is not unique to one religious or national group, but is common to all which have an established story of origin, and a following interpretation of history to neatly fit into the original premise. Given the dualism of Western religious science, logical materialists who claim physical objectivity as their basis supposedly have nothing in common with the magical immaterialism of religion. But despite age old battles between secularists and deists, neither side in this either-or conflict really knows any more than what is believed, accepted, and verified by the evidence that solidifies the foundation of its system of belief. Anyone who contradicts that evidence is either disregarded, or tossed out of the realm of accepted reality. In the most extreme cases, the contradictor is either imprisoned, or burned at the stake.

 

It is in the serious questioning of rigidly held belief systems that humanity – sometimes – advances beyond simple duality, arriving at a relatively reasoned interpretation based on objective study of material evidence, free of previously learned bias. In these cases, divine good and demonic evil are left to the immaterialist community, and the attempt is made to learn from previous experience and hope for a better future that does not repeat past mistakes. That hope is nonexistent when free thought and critical appraisal are denied. It is in particular danger today, more so than in the darkest ages of our past, when wanton slaughter may have been the order of the day, but the weapons to affect it were infinitely more primitive.

 

In the aftermath of the Nazi assault on European Judaism, we have seen a modern form of biblical interpretation evolve out of an historic event. This interpretation is based almost as much on faith as on verifiable fact. What should be at least fairly conclusive according to examined evidence has become a religious belief system in which no examination or question of evidence is allowed unless it strengthens the already existing and accepted story. The event is not only treated as unquestioned as the word of god, but if dared to be questioned at all, punishable as blasphemy. Such is the modern burden of what is called The Holocaust, having even its name reflect a biblical sounding event, like The Creation.

 

A terrible price was paid by the Jews of Europe in the experience of this awful episode of history, but a heavy price is still being paid, in some sense by the whole world, but mostly by Palestinians, who played no role in these atrocities, though they have paid dearly, and unconscionably, in their aftermath.

 

The effect of the Holocaust on 21st century life continues to be as profound, and dangerous, as its impact on the previous century. What is euphemistically called "The Middle East Problem" was really created by the Western holocaust, and dumped on the people of the Middle East. The solution to this problem involves the West confronting its own responsibility, and ending its punishment of the Arab world, especially the Palestinians, who have absorbed generations of abuse and had a horrific, biblical vengeance visited upon them for something they never did. Further, the accepted story of the event, seemingly free of any material forces or consequences save depravity and hatred of age old origin, invites a fatalism which accepts ancient beliefs in a natural evil at the core of humanity. Or at least, a majority of humanity, which seems historically predisposed to persecute and murder a specific minority.

 

There might be no better place to begin seeking a solution than at the very event that has served to help create the problem. But any attempt at reconsideration of this particular tragedy in a way that questions some of the accepted story is treated as sacrilegious, insane, unthinkable anti-Semitism, and in the most extreme cases, as a crime punishable by jail or deportation. This was the case with Ernest Zündel, one among many Holocaust Revisionists who dare to challenge religious and political orthodoxy by questioning our understanding of a human disaster which has helped perpetuate human disaster.

 

Zündel and other revisionists are called "holocaust deniers" by those who label them in discriminatory fashion in order to remove them from any serious consideration. The denigrating label makes it seem as though they deny that any Jews were murdered, or that Jews did not suffer terribly at the hands of Nazis and their supporters. Calling these people names in order to reduce them as beings is a bigotry no different, in essence, from using derogatory labels like nigger, spic, kike or redneck. The label's purpose is to belittle and deform, reducing people to caricatures and worse; beings outside the realm of acceptability and not worthy of consideration by "normal" people.

 

There may be unsavory and bigoted types among those who call themselves holocaust revisionists, but such people exist in business, government and religion; do we entirely dismiss those worlds because some of their practitioners may not meet our standards for acceptability? Some who claim to be revisionists simply change the pejorative "Nazi" to the pejorative "Communist" and charge the same wholesale slaughters and incredible death tolls, only with different victims and different murderers. Far more important are the revisionists unmotivated by anything more than a sense of human inquiry, who simply attempt to confront and question accepted history with as much or as little bias as the official historians.

 

Zündel should be free to present his viewpoint and entertain his beliefs, however unpopular they may be to those who often know nothing more than what they have been told. This biased telling of the story of individuals and events is a problem not only of the historic past, but one we experience in everyday life. We are fed tales which provoke bloody warfare and are devoutly believed and supported by some, and just as devoutly disbelieved and opposed by others. But neither school of thought is, as yet, proposing that all opposition to its belief system be completely silenced, totally disregarded or jailed. Some have indeed suffered such a fate, but they are still the exception and not the rule. Unfortunately, among holocaust revisionists, the rule is persecution; first, of the very idea, and next, of the person expressing the very idea.

 

Our political economy of religious science depends on the double standards of dualism, but the issue of free speech tends to be revered by people from all sides of the political and social spectrum. It would be better for us all if we were less selective about where, when, and on what subjects such freedom could be exercised.

 

Revisionists try to make the murderous history of the Holocaust an aspect of reality, rather than a religious experience of unquestioned worship and sorrow. This is their sin, but it is not only they who suffer; all who profess a belief in freedom of expression, speech and thought pay a price. Yet, the attack on Zündel's free speech was barely noticed by the general public. Even though it took place in Canada, it received no criticism from an American civil liberties community which would be totally aroused if such blatant suppression occurred in almost any other area of life, and in any country. But that is not the case in the area dubbed "holocaust denial", where any outrage against free speech and free thought is not only allowed, but righteously supported and even vindictively applauded, wherever it occurs.

 

The double standard regarding this issue is among the most troubling of our social hypocrisies. One can easily imagine those depicted as demons, like Saddam Hussein or Slobodan Milosevic, being regarded as heroes, had they persecuted alleged holocaust deniers instead of operating against Israeli and American interests, for which they now face trial as war criminals.

 

Zündel may be the best known among many who are critical of the holocaust story, but who hardly deny that Jews were viciously persecuted and murdered by the Nazis. He has been dogged for years because of his expressed doubts regarding many aspects of the accepted history, and as a result suffered physical attacks, the firebombing of his home, and costly court cases finally leading to his imprisonment. Among his blasphemous thought crimes he dares to believe that all Germans were not uniquely evil, inhuman monsters, as they are depicted in much of the holocaust story. Germany has been the main financial backer of Israel, contributing billions of dollars in retribution payments, and has been most fierce in smothering free speech when it comes to this issue. But there are still many who believe that Germans should be judged as unparalleled among humans for their collective sin, and this has been internalized by their government. In keeping with its guilt driven policies, Germany locked Zündel in jail as soon as Canada expelled him for his crime. And what was this offense? Under cover of visa problems and alleged influence on potentially violent groups, Zündel was really guilty of daring to express doubt in the official story of the Holocaust, that doubt usually being not only about the number of dead, but also concerning the plan and method of carrying out mass murder. His is only the most serious and recent attack on a revisionist. Many others have suffered loss of jobs, physical attacks, and been imprisoned. In several nations, it is a punishable, criminal offense to dare question the Holocaust in any ways that displease the keepers of its official history.

 

The horrendous treatment of European Jews, their forced exodus from national homelands to concentration and slave labor camps, and their further brutalization and murders, are believed part of a centrally planned process of annihilation. This historically unique crime was industrialized, with an around-the-clock production line of transport, gas chambers, crematoria and almost unimaginable cruelty. That is the brief outline generally accepted by most of the world, or at least the Western world, which might as well be the whole world given the power balance. Of course, gas chambers were not alleged to be the only method employed for these mass murders, and the basic crimes were known of before that aspect of the story was established. But though official records and scholarship account for many deaths attributable to other causes and methods, the popular acceptance of the phrase "six million died in the gas chambers" is hardly ever discussed as being impossible. In fact, there is almost as much use of the dreadful sounding "six million died in the ovens", with many believing that six million living human beings were actually thrown into mass fiery pits. The world was witness to the awful films of the liberated camps, the emaciated survivors, and the piles of skin and bone corpses. It is as if these sickening images were not enough, and even more ghastly ones have to be created in order to identify this as history's most terrible crime.

 

That such an incredible murderous deed, of such massive proportions, was concealed from the world until long after it took place is barely acknowledged as worthy of any question. Several histories of the war were written at its end which made no mention of this particular horrendous crime. Some survivors of the concentration camps wrote of their terrible experiences, with no mention of gas chambers. Are we to believe that all these writers, including Eisenhower and Churchill, were simply anti-Semites?

 

This awful scheme for exterminating an entire people was ordered by passionate zealots who were motivated by irrational hatred. Yet, conversely, it was organized by a core of dispassionate, bureaucratic clones, and then carried out by a stoic force of robotic killers. And this hideous production was performed while Germany suffered devastation in the war, with many of its people going hungry, its economy sorely lacking industrial supplies and its imminent defeat looming. Might there be legitimate cause for questioning at least some parts of the generally accepted story? Should critical reappraisal be completely forbidden, given that this insane act of collective murder was the major rationale for the displacement and destruction of another people, the Palestinians, far removed from any connection to Europe save for their domination by its colonial power?

 

And considering the depiction of Germans as a collection of homicidal monsters, couldn't one of these satanic sadists have considered a photograph of his, and their, horrendous work with gas chambers? Is there any wonder that the same bureaucratic number crunchers who tabulated every single person rounded up and sent to a camp, were unable to tabulate the actual murders? And since all gas chambers were allegedly destroyed by the Germans – who seemed anxious to get rid of all evidence of the crime, but were extremely careless about leaving alive participants in committing the crime – isn't it worthy of question that their existence is based on stories and confessions after the fact, with no one actually witnessing these mass murder machines in action?

 

It should not be a crime to wonder why not one actual photo of a gas chamber exists, that all were destroyed and only reproductions of them are offered as evidence. The only photos are of doors or passages leading to such chambers, and showers said to have served as gas chambers, but these all defy logic and only serve belief. Would we accept explanation for the atomic bombing of Hiroshima or Nagasaki by being presented with photos of roads leading into town? Or the testimony of survivors and participants in the bombings, but with no other evidence except their testimony that the cities were devastated by such a weapon?

 

Given the overwhelming evidence that clearly verifies the persecution and murder of so many, why is it that this major part of the story is so reliant on after the fact memories or detective work? That several million people were killed this way and that not one photo exists is certainly worthy of questioning, given that so much else was recorded in photos and film. We have abundant pictorial evidence of the dreadful conditions of the camps, the horrible images that have been imprinted on us over the years. Yet, none of these showed a gas chamber, its ruins, or recorded comments about its existence. How can it be a sin and why should it be a crime to question this story? Is it odd that some might see the denial of that freedom as part of a political program to insure that Israel is above any criticism and kept a safe place for world Jewry, even though its reality has been quite the opposite? The record of an earlier episode of inhuman brutality in the United States offers an uncomfortable contrast.

 

During the wretched era of American lynching, more than two thousand blacks were dragged from their homes or prison cells and publicly hanged, often having their bodies literally torn apart after killing. These bestial events were sometimes viewed by hundreds of people in an often festive atmosphere of collective madness. Countless photographs exist of these bizarre, barbaric affairs, with families proudly posing, even smiling, in front of a brutalized black body hanging from a tree. There may be legend and myth surrounding much of this period, but there is undeniable evidence of the bloody deeds in these photos, some of which were made into postcards and mailed to friends and families, later becoming exhibits at museums and galleries.

 

Should this terrible episode of American history be offered as proof that we were the most beastly race on earth? Far worse than later Germans, who didn't gleefully photograph their atrocities and happily share those photos with friends? Why not try to learn more about this sordid past, rather than simply see the atrocities as acts of a deranged people, having no basis in material history save as a description of mass psychosis, based on age old biblical hatred of...Africans? After all, we have no historic verification for how many Africans were murdered during what was called, less biblically, "the passages", when slaves were stuffed onto ships like animals, and beaten, starved and drowned while crossing the Atlantic Ocean, with death toll estimates ranging from a few to many millions. Has it been blasphemy to examine that history, as closely as evidence will allow, in order to arrive at something approximating what actually took place? Does any reexamination of this brutal period, including a revisionist pointing out that some slaves lived in more material security than some workers, indicate a form of "slavery denial"?

 

We certainly cannot change the fact of inhuman chattel slavery in our past, nor the tremendous impact it has had on our national development. But confronting our past might help us change the present. Nearly half the prison population of the USA is black, and ghettos and poverty-wracked communities still number black residents in the hundreds of thousands. That should be reason enough to want to learn more about that past and how it affects our society today. Really confronting such questions and seeking answers based on social justice and humanitarian values could mean social revolution, but even if we don't go that far, knowing more can at least help us mythologize less.

 

We would not make the crimes committed by the Nazis any less horrid by removing myths, legends and emotional slander from the very real pain and suffering they caused. What of the many alleged tales of their ghastly practices, like making soap from the body fat of dead Jews, stuffing pillows with their hair or making lamp shades from their skin? Some of these are still repeated by those who simply accepted any tale of German degeneracy, no matter how mindless sounding or lacking any basis in fact. The generally accepted and horrendous enough toll of a million deaths at Auschwitz was once believed to be more than four million. These inflated death toll figures and tales of bizarre brutality are no longer tolerated by anyone with claims to serious scholarship, with agreement here between revisionists and the official historians of Holocaust studies.

 

Survivors are no less cursed with memories of an awful reality when these kinds of exaggerations are faced as fabrications born of panic, gullibility, and retaliatory hatred. This at one time unquestioned parade of inhuman horrors became part of accepted history and helped lead to the birth of a new nation, Israel, established as a haven for the persecuted survivors of this bloodcurdling, genocidal campaign conducted by the Nazis.

 

Israel's existence since its origin in 1948 has remained critically unquestioned by the mainstream West and its officially sanctioned political opposition, mainly because of the horrors the world learned about the Holocaust. And learned, and learned, and relearned. Hardly a day passes that some TV program, film, workshop, museum display, lecture or school curriculum is not dealing with what took place, in horrifying detail. People are gripped and shaken by the vicarious experience of this tragedy, recreated in veritable theme parks of misery and suffering. They are compelled to wonder how people could perform such contemptible violence, and how it could have happened without outside intervention. But these same people still support doctrines of racial supremacy and the mass murder of war; they draw no connection to the lesson supposedly learned from the holocaust tragedy, since that lesson seems specific only to that single experience and its relation to the unquestioned need for Israel as a haven for Jews.

 

State organized violence, human persecution and bigotry continue, and civilized populations still tolerate racial and colonial policies that treat people and their homelands as worthless, unless owned, occupied or exploited by superior beings. These matters are relatively unquestioned by many who are moved to tears by the story of the Holocaust, since that event is treated as an almost separate reality from human history, let alone the sub-category of Jewish history, whose thousands of years seem reduced to about five during the war. And Israel is still perceived by many as a home for people rejected by the world, with no place else to go. This is a gross simplification, but so is the larger story. Israel did not just "happen" in 1948, though that might as well be the case given popular ignorance of its history.

 

In the late 19th century, when the European Zionist movement for a Jewish homeland was established, most Jews wanted no such home. They were content being citizens in the nations where they had become part of the fabric of life, having worked hard to overcome bigotry that saw them as "other". Many of them took serious issue with Zionism, which existed long before most Nazis were born, let alone in power. This historic fact is not just overlooked, but is unknown to people who think of Zionism only in its socialistic form of the kibbutz, and see Israel as something that happened purely because of the Nazi assault on European Jews.

 

Among several proposed sites, Palestine was the biblical real estate most desired by many Zionists as a national homeland, since it was believed to be their source, even by allegedly secular Jews who claimed to be atheists. That contradiction still prevails; one can strongly assert no belief in God, while accepting a homeland for Jews in Israel, because that land was promised to them by...God. The Holocaust helps make it possible to overlook this contradiction by citing the Jewish tragedy at the hands of the Nazis as verification for the need to create Israel. And even though most of the world's Jews are moved to at least psychologically support Israel's existence, they have never been there and have no plan to even visit, let alone become settlers.

 

The fact that as late as 1942, some Zionists and Nazis were discussing the island nation of Madagascar as a possible homeland for Jews – with as little concern for the native people there as in Palestine – is another little known aspect of the relationships between two groups proposing the same alienating idea, along decidedly different lines; that Jews did not belong with "others" and should be living in their own, separate country.

 

With no consideration for some of these matters, we inherit a history with little if any context, negating any awareness of events that lead to or connect from one to the other in any understandable, if occasionally mind-boggling way. Things suddenly happen, with no explanation for events other than their being caused or provoked by saintly angels or demonic monsters. Are there material, worldly reasons for these events? Where do these situations and creatures come from? We are not to ask once the story, the gods and the demons have been established. That is, if we wish to remain helpless creatures shaped by history, rather than active beings who play a conscious role in its creation.

 

The revision of all history, literally to look at it again, is necessary if we wish to create a future without repeating past mistakes. The maligned school of Holocaust Revision could make a contribution towards understanding and peace, rather than represent a criminal assault against political religious belief, as it is portrayed. Taking a new look at any part of history, recent or past, may lead to greater awareness of material forces which are controllable by humans. This contradicts the fatalistic view of humanity as inherently beastly and in need of control by elites, which are usually working for God. This biblical notion at the core of many human acts of mass murder flies in the face of real human experience and calls for more, not less questioning of what we are told about anything.

 

Whether it is fed to us as legend, myth or alleged fact, nothing should be treated as unquestionable. Facts are too often based on as little proof as the legendary and mythological. For a recent, obvious example, we need look no further than "weapons of mass destruction" in Iraq. Thousands of people are dead and a government was destroyed because of those alleged weapons, which do not, and did not, exist.

 

The suffering of the Jews in Europe during the Second World War would not become less tragic under critical appraisal, though its political impact might change, and this is the major reason for its being kept an untouchable topic. In order to maintain Israel's position as a special nation, the myth of the Jewish people as a forever endangered species is perpetuated. The Holocaust is seen as the culmination of a long history of murderous persecution of Jews by the rest of the Gentile world, with no allowance for anything but continued misery and eternal threat. This incredibly negative and narrow view estranges people from humanity, and in so doing helps create a warped history of isolation. A contradictory ideological need to be separate and different from "them", while humanistically desiring similarity and equality with "them", can only prolong the problem of what is called anti-Semitism, despite that language confusion which so labels Europeans who are no more Semites than are people from Finland or Nigeria.

 

Given the verifiable history of Jewish persecution in the past, can that possibly justify the persecution of Palestinians in the present? Assuming that there was indeed a plot by European Gentiles to murder all the Jews of the continent, why should people who have no real or fictional connection to such a sin be the ones to pay the awful price of its atonement? And even if it is necessary to insist that one inhuman episode was unique and different from others, that one suffering was more painful than another, how can any benefit be gained by causing still more suffering? No horror experienced in Europe should serve as rationale for punishment inflicted on people other than Europeans, if any at all are to still be paying for this experience of inhuman slaughter among, sadly, many such historic experiences. A more recent human disaster can offer several comparisons, even if only in the treatment of the story.

 

As an example of how closer examination of events which take on near legendary proportions can lead to better understanding, consider the disastrous day Americans remember as "911". It did not become less tragic when investigation revealed that the original estimated death toll of nearly 7,000 was actually just over 3,000. The bereaved were no less saddened, the nation no less shocked. Nor, unfortunately, were political forces swayed to change their policies based on this lowered figure. But history was served in moving the story from exaggeration, arrived at during chaotic moments when all matters were barely verifiable, to the actual human cost and impact of all those deaths. Lowering the death toll was not a form of 911 "denial", and it did nothing to change the essence of the event.

 

Many still believe it was the worst thing to ever happen, if limiting the area of events to the USA. But far more people have been killed in bombings in other countries than died that day in America, and to acknowledge that fact – still generally unacknowledged – might help to better understand why this act of terrorism might have taken place, rather than viewing it as a gesture of sadistic madmen who didn't like our style of dress, our democracy, or our social behavior patterns . Were they simply "anti-Americans", for some ancient, irrational biblical reason? Or were there social and political as well as religious motivations for their murderous attack? Would it hurt us to move beyond simplistic, reductionist explanations in order to arrive at some understanding of material reality that might help our relations with the rest of the world?

 

The reexamination of 911 did not overlook the enormous cost in death benefits and the number of hustlers who rushed to claim money, posing as kin of those who allegedly perished. In this, it bore a relation to what some call the "Holocaust Industry", referring to the money making aspects of that tragedy that entice scam artists as well as legitimate victims. Finding an actual, verifiable death toll saved money for insurers, but the material evidence was examined not only to save money, nor to hurt the memory of survivors, but to help see the disaster from a more reality-based perspective. We are still learning about the poorly reported and even more poorly explained 911 events, and the wars and further terrors they have unleashed in Afghanistan and especially Iraq. Many still believe that Arabs had nothing to do with them, and that they were organized and executed by the U.S. government. Others claim it was the Israeli Mossad, and some believe it was the act of a vengeful God, punishing us for whatever sins these divinely oriented conspiracy freaks perceive. But none of these theories, though they may be argued, laughed at or ridiculed, are forbidden. Nor are those who entertain them threatened with jail. This is as it should be, but isn't, where the Holocaust is concerned.

 

Israel's seemingly spontaneous "immaculate conception" in 1948 is no more materially verifiable than the older religious legend, but is as devoutly believed by a community of the faith. The Palestinian people who lived in what later became Israel were conveniently removed from material or critical consideration. They were denied as a people and never considered as humans of any importance, so it was easy to buy them out, kick them out, or wipe them out if they resisted. Their painful history of injustice has outraged most of the world, as evidenced by countless votes in the United Nations which go against continued theft of Palestinian land and brutalization of the Palestinian people. But the nature of their suffering receives hardly a blink from the center of global power in the USA, where real Palestinian Deniers are an infinitely greater problem than any alleged Holocaust Deniers.

 

The American government and major opinion shaping institutions have participated in the creation of Israel as a lily-white land of suffering inhabitants, first escaping the horror of the Nazis, and then preyed upon by the dreadful Arabs, portrayed as bloodthirsty demons anxious to "push Israel into the sea", as one of the favored slogans has it. This colorful defiance of geography and politics may have actually been expressed as a desire by some witless opponent; more likely, it came from an Israeli and has become useful to repeat in provoking fear and anxiety among Jews all over the world, as the horrible holocaust story is rerun in their imaginations each time a threat to Jews is perceived or alleged. And these threats usually seem to happen in a social vacuum, occupied by an innocent people in a rarified world befitting a fairy tale as much as a physical reality.

 

The contradictory notion of Jews as a historically blessed, special, privileged sector of humanity, and at the same time as a historically scorned, hated and brutalized group as well, is reinforced by the conflicting histories of Israel, Palestine, the Holocaust experience and the status of Judaism in the world today. To say that a people hated and persecuted by the Gentile world – which means just about everyone else – for thousands of years, and then slaughtered in the worst pogrom of them all, could become powerful enough to hold sway over governments and public opinion is dismissed as just another form of anti-Semitism. The mere mention of Jewish power, exercised in obvious fashion and so acknowledged by many Jewish groups and publications, reduces not only Zionists but large segments of the Gentile world, including its left-wing, to screeching charges of anti-Semitism at those who defiantly refer to "the power that dare not speak its name". But the U.S. government and media and their global subordinates do not hesitate to follow the story so outlined, perpetuating the myth that becomes reality when so many not only believe it, but act on that belief.

 

Jewish ethnic and cultural gifts to the arts and sciences have made incredible contributions toward making the human community whole. Biblical and ideological Judaism contradicts that wholeness by treating the rest of the world as "other" and insisting on its own uniqueness. Much of the world is drawn to the warm, humanistic culture, while it is repelled by the cold, alienating ideology. Just as mainstream science and much non-biblical religion reject difference and see humanity as one race with common origins, a biblical fundamentalist view holds to an ancient notion that divides us into a deity's less or more favored races. The political, economic and psychological burdens of maintaining such older belief systems are at the root of a global crisis. In an all too real sense, we continue struggles with believers in immaterial legend and fable, while reality demands that we wake up and face a material world threatened by our wasteful and destructive divisions. These ancient belief systems might be beneficial if their humanitarian messages of equality for all took precedence over their patriarchal teachings of the superiority of only some. We face failure the longer we continue paying halfhearted lip service to the wisdom of their most loving prophets, while we incur the cost of paying wholehearted debt service to the deceit of their most hateful profiteers.

 

Human suffering and brutality are a sad part of our history, but we needn't mythologize their experience or make them special; rather, we need to understand that they impede our development. We can learn from our most terrible mistakes, but not if we fetishize and treat them as unique, almost divorced from history rather than representing a terrible example of our worst behaviors, practiced in the selfish, short-sighted ignorance that continues to rule our relations. Our bloody past and present make it clear that it is possible to slaughter hundreds, thousands, even millions of people, without an extermination plan or gas chambers.

 

History is full of wholesale massacres, of people being regarded as worse than insects or rodents, and barbarically murdered in horrendous acts of brutality. Some of these were perpetrated over many years, some over a few weeks, some a few days, and some, instantly. During the same war that killed so many European Jews, the cities of Dresden and Tokyo, among many others, were reduced to ashes in firestorms that killed tens of thousands of people in a matter of minutes. These poor souls were indeed, burned alive, and there was no need to deliver them to death camps or crematoria; the crematoria were delivered to them. Yet these and other brutal acts of mass murder were written off as excusable acts of war that killed "the enemy", said enemy deserving such a fate for being part and parcel of the war. Had the outcome been different, how many Allied Generals would have been tried for these mass murders, and executed as war criminals?

 

Why does one horrible slaughter receive an unending stream of commemorations and reparations, while hundreds of others are barely a drip in the brain pan of humanity? Why does the Holocaust loom so large, and yet serve as a rationale for the brutalization of a people who had absolutely nothing to do with Nazis or Europe? And who can certainly not be guilty of anti-Semitism, In as much as they are, unlike the Ashkenazi Jews of Europe, Semites themselves? Could a better understanding of what happened to the Jews of Europe, and of the underlying causes that brought about fascism, help the world to better understand itself?

 

It can't possibly hurt us to learn what was at the root of the Nazis' blind hatred of communism, democracy and Judaism, and why they linked those hatreds, rather than continue accepting ridiculous notions that reduce world history to perverse psychosomatic disorders. What role did material events play in the creation of national socialism in Germany, and how widely was it supported by other nations? Contrary to simplistic belief, which has it that the world instantly opposed the demonic evil of the Nazis, many Western powers were quite fond of their rabid anti-communism and their strengthening of German finance capital. It is possible to learn more about a terrible episode of history without denigrating those who suffered, but also by not making a totally different kind of human out of them, thereby perpetuating a dangerous myth of original difference, when we most need to acknowledge that we are all members of the same human race.

 

Fear of present victimization because of past history, whether based on fact or fiction, is not healthy for any human individual or group. Rising above our past mistakes, our legends and our superstitions in order to deal with real problems can contribute to growth in knowledge and assurance of a future possibility for all of humanity. That assurance is a necessity for the success of the human race, and not just one nation, sect, religion or clan.

 

Seeing the rest of humanity as historically bent on persecuting and eventually murdering all Jews is hardly the healthiest way to sustain religious, ethnic, national or personal survival. One has to major in the inhumanities to entertain such dreadful thoughts. When carried for generations, they cannot help but lead to more suspicion, misunderstanding and divisions which help create the inhuman mental and physical horror that was the reality of the Jews in Europe, and is the reality of the Palestinian people now. Bigotry and murder do not need commemorative death tolls or special killing machine techniques to make them worse or better; they need to stop.

 

The "revisioning" of the Holocaust might help Israel, Palestine and Judaism itself by confronting contradictions based on ancient beliefs which have no place in the modern world, and which help create murderous misunderstanding the longer they are accepted. Controversies involving which war, which mass murder, or which act of totalitarian brutality was worse than another can only make it seem that some were better than others. But it is all acts of brutality that must be seen as the problem , and not just one in isolation, if we are to arrive at a solution.

 

If we do not learn from history, it is said that we are condemned to repeat it, and that has been the case with the Jewish experience of one war, and the resultant Palestinian suffering that could lead to a greater war. Coming to grips with what was called the Final Solution could bring about confrontation with what could be humanity's final problem of racial and ethnic hatreds which are used to help perpetuate ideologies of domination. We need a peaceful "final solution" in confronting the greatest problem humanity has ever faced. Nuclear and biological weapons have replaced the more primitive bloody tools of the old political testaments and while we have seen what those weapons could do, we have not yet fully realized the lesson of their creation. They are products of age old biblical inhumanity, brought to modern technological perfection in exercising mass murder in post biblical fashion. We have to become a civilized people and learn to work together, before we revert to primitive savagery and literally blow ourselves apart.

 

The Holocaust was representative of the darkest side of humanity, but unfortunately, it still covers many with its shadow. Bringing light to such darkness involves much more than rethinking one episode of history, but given its enormous impact on collective consciousness, this one issue could have an effect on many more. They may seem an unlikely source, but Holocaust Revisionists could help bring about an enlightenment that enables us to see through inherited doctrines of ignorance and bigotry, kept alive by political and biblical systems of superstition which contribute to furthering the danger to humanity.

 

Confronting the real tragedy of what was done in the past, and the role it has played in furthering human suffering and injustice in the present, will be necessary for us to end such suffering in the future. The hateful anti-Semitism that was at the core of Nazi treatment of Jews cannot be forgotten, but it shouldn't be remembered by developing a ridiculous philo-Semitism that places one event, nation or people above critical reproach. Like the Zionists and Nazis who agreed that Jews were different from everyone else, this is either/or dualism at its worst. Just as past bigotry and brutalizing of Jews has scarred humanity, so does present bigotry and brutalizing of Palestinians disfigure us all. And just as we demythologize the American story and create a more hopeful future by doing so, we need to demythologize the mass injustice in Europe, and the mass injustice it brought about in the Middle East. Two wrongs do not make a right, any more than two lies can make a truth. And while the truth may not set us absolutely free, it could certainly help us move closer to relative freedom.

 


© 2005 by Frank Scott. All rights reserved.




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Monday, May 11, 2026

Marin County and the Permissive Society

By Michael K. Smith 

 

Like John Walker Lindh* I grew up in posh, left-leaning Marin County and joined an authoritarian cult that methodically killed thousands of my fellow Americans. It was 1973 and after years of exposure to permissive norms I had little sense of direction and interviewed for a job at the local McDonald's. My divorced parents raised no objection and soon I was making a major contribution to cardiovascular disease as I bagged fries, flipped burgers, and hyped deep-fried pies to future victims of arteriosclerosis and congestive heart failure. Luckily, nobody reported the case to the Attorney General, so I was spared Ashcroft-like denunciations about youth being no absolution for treachery, nor self-advancement an excuse to take up lard against one’s country. In fact, I was rewarded for participating in McDonald’s nation-wide attack on the public health: my official transcripts register 40 credits for what is called, appropriately enough, WEEP, the school acronym for work experience. This represents 20% of the units required for graduation and an interesting revelation of elite educational standards at the time. Permissive society, indeed. 

 

My plunge into McDonald’s occurred after 16 years of indoctrination in consumer society. Well-meaning but impressionable, I actually enjoyed the job, which was certainly preferable to sitting in a hard chair all day listening to teacher monologues I thankfully no longer remember. So I stayed on for four years, earning high marks for my work on “lot and lobby” (janitor), “fries and-shakes,” “window” (cash register), “dressing” (putting condiments on buns), “grill” and “buns.” My indulgent parents dutifully supported me, paying my living costs while McDonald’s profited off my underpaid labor (I started at $1.80 an hour in 1973 and ended up at $4.50 an hour in 1977). By the last two years I made manager and was considered for Hamburger University, the holiest of holies in the fast food world. I thought it an honor but fortunately never went, else today I might be saddled with a degree in “Hamburgerology.” 

 

It was corporate liberalism's presumption of “value-free” neutrality and education as a meal-ticket to the job market that led to this abdication of communal responsibility. Swamped in tolerance for commercialism, my parents figured I was “keeping out of trouble,” while my teachers and counselors were pleased I was acquiring job skills, though of what long-term use burger-flipping and milkshake-making actually were they never bothered to explain. The presumption was that learning to make any kind of living is the purpose of education, so no one questioned this highly dubious expenditure of my teen years. Since I was making money I was obviously on the success track, and what could be more important than that? 

 

Another area where the County distinguished itself for excessive tolerance was in anti-Arab racism. I remember a morning assembly at Granada Elementary, a Montessori school regularly featured on national TV for its innovative architecture and learn-at-your-own-pace curriculum. Israel had just launched its successful blitzkrieg assault on Egypt, Syria, and Jordan in the Six Day War and our teachers ridiculed what they took to be Arab military ineptitude. The Arabs ran from toy bombs dropped by the Israelis, they laughed, which turned out to be nothing more than packages of glass that broke upon hitting the ground. Full of mirth, we enjoyed the image of hapless Arabs running away from harmless packages, never learning of the effects of the real bombs or the napalm Israel used in that war. None of the teachers lost their jobs for this lesson in racism and maybe they shouldn’t have, since by the Supreme Court’s “community standards” criterion, promoting racist stereotypes of Arabs is too routine to qualify as an offensive act. Check with your local video shop — all Arabs are corrupt sheiks, barbaric terrorists, or medieval camel jockeys — fair game for abuse. Thus it was no surprise years later when Marin County native Robin Williams mocked Egyptian military abilities in a TV tribute to Jonathan Winters, ridiculously dropping an imaginary rifle over and over to characterize Arabs as buffoons. 

 

The County has also been far too lenient towards the wealthy, allowing them to stream in and drive up the price of housing to the point where it now costs $4,000 or more to move into a 1-bedroom apartment and there are the beginnings of shanty housing in the hills. When I was a child, on the other hand, Sausalito resembled a Mediterranean fishing village, with street artists, boat dwellers, and other bohemians mixing amiably with middle class professionals and businessmen. The rich took a liking to this atmosphere and bought the place up, in the process driving out the artists and houseboat people who made the town attractive in the first place. Now it is a magnet for tourists and yuppies and there is no street life to speak of. For some reason Trent Lott has yet to condemn this casualty of the permissive society.

 

How does one recover from growing up amidst such misguided tolerance? Well, a dissident reading list helps. Sometime during my university studies I washed up on the shores of Noam Chomsky, Edward Herman, Howard Zinn, Michael Parenti, Jonathan Kozol, Edward Said, and Marilyn French, taking a long look at their sobering offerings. My excessive tolerance towards unaccountable authority rapidly dissolved and I found myself questioning the legitimacy of endless wars, limitless profit, permanent racism, male supremacy, in short, the entire direction of the contemporary United States. Two years ago in the very same Marin County that had taught me to see the world in value-neutral terms, I taught ESL for a year at the local community college. One night I wrote these lines: 

 

I look into the faces of my ESL students at the College of Marin, still eager after a half-compensated workday. I regret the language barrier that leaves so many questions unasked. 

 

Seeing Ermith I think of desperate refugees sent back to Haiti through shark-infested waters. Taking in Rosa’s smile I remember the fall of Arbenz triggering an orgy of anti-Communist bloodletting. Listening to Kathleen’s harrowing tale of escaping Vietnam by boat I think of an ocean of dioxin putting her craft to launch. Saying hello to Sang I recall Korea converted to a corpse-strewn wasteland under the iron rule of rival dictatorships. Greeting Eduardo I am reminded of 70,000 murdered by Jeane Kirkpatrick’s “moderate authoritarians” in El Salvador. Collecting a paper from Zelalem I think of mountains of African bones bleaching the floor of the Atlantic. Hearing Rigoberto talk of Cuernavaca I reflect on James Polk plundering a third of Mexico on the fraudulent pretext of “American blood shed on American soil.” Glancing at Adela I think of Bolivian tin miners with rotting lungs and Che Guevara tracked down and murdered by the CIA. Resenting Marcia arriving typically late, I remind myself that US reparations for overthrowing the Brazilian government are even more overdue. Listening to Jose I see half the Honduran population starving to death while Washington converts the country to a military base from which to make war on Nicaraguans. Turning to Masahito I remember two huge fireballs incinerating 200,000 Japanese and cursing generations unborn with genetic deformities. Correcting an answer from Vladimir I recollect CIA anti-Communist forces parachuted into the Ukraine to join up with an army once supported by Hitler. 

 

A student tells me his nationality, and I thank God I know not a single thing about his native Bhutan. 

 

Happily, there are increasing signs that I am far from alone, that many Marinites are intolerant of Empire. Thanks to tireless organizers, on a recent Saturday morning two hundred people turned out for a seminar critical of US policy in the Middle East and on separate evenings William Blum and Father Roy Bourgeois spoke against the war in Afghanistan and the U.S. School of the Americas to large, appreciative audiences. The good Father welcomed President Bush’s call to shut down terrorist training camps wherever they may be, suggesting he start with Fort Benning in Georgia where the US trains Latin American military officers in the art of counterinsurgency — a fancier name for terrorism. After speaking on the theme of “Expansion of Empire,” Blum said in his question period that there is one group he has more trouble getting through to than even the far right: liberals. 

 

They cannot believe the American Empire is not benevolent at heart, so they permissively let it run amok.

 

*A household word a generation ago, Lindh is a Marin County native who studied Islam and ended up in Afghanistan fighting for the Taliban, becoming famous as a result of the 911 attacks.

Tuesday, May 5, 2026

Two Centuries of U.S. Contempt For Cuba*

 “I do believe I’ll be . . . .having the honor of taking Cuba.”

                                                        ----Donald Trump

 

Donald Trump tightened already suffocating sanctions on Cuba on May 1, at the same time as he made renewed threats to “take” the island as soon as he finishes committing the greatest foreign policy blunder in U.S. history in Iran. The new measure to heap further unmerited suffering on Cubans was justified on the laughable pretext that their government poses an extraordinary national security threat to the United States, which, if it were true, would constitute an equally extraordinary confession of military impotence on the part of the United States.[1]

 

That point aside, it’s a simple historical fact that U.S. contempt for Cuban sovereignty long predates Washington’s fixation on “national security” as a pretext for its interventions, so the problem does not lie in Havana.

 

Over two centuries ago Washington was already firmly opposed to independence for the island, mainly because it was “strategically situated and rich in sugar and slaves,” in the words of U.S. foreign policy expert Piero Gleijeses. Such advantages were not to be sacrificed to a heavily mixed-race population of “mongrels” achieving independence, to use the rhetoric of Manifest Destiny.[2]

 

Thomas Jefferson recommended that James Madison offer Napoleon a free hand in Spanish America in return for the gift of Cuba to the United States. Writing to Madison in 1823, he said that the U.S. should not go to war over the island, since “the first war on other accounts will give it to us, or the Island itself will give it to us, when able to do so,” sounding very much like Donald Trump today. Secretary of State John Quincy Adams explained Cuba’s strategic value, describing it as “an object of transcendent importance to the commercial and political interests of our Union.” He, too, favored it remain under Spanish control until it fell into U.S. hands by “the laws of political . . . gravitation,” a “ripe fruit” ready for harvest. This view was almost universal in the U.S. Executive Branch and Congress at the time.

 

Concern over Cuba on explicitly political grounds arose with the coming of its national liberation movement in 1868. A key concern was the movement’s democratic tendencies, which included such heresies as democracy, freedom, and equal rights for everyone, not just white property owners. This was the familiar imperial fear of a bad apple spoiling the barrel, in this case Cuban independence possibly succeeding and inspiring other colonized peoples to similarly strive for national independence. If Empire is to exist, that kind of example has to be stamped out.[3]

 

Some U.S. lives and property were lost in the initial stages of Cuba’s war for independence, but the real crisis came in 1873 when Spain seized the Virginius, a ship flying the U.S. flag and carrying weapons to the Cuban revolutionary forces. The Spanish executed fifty-three crew members. Hamilton Fish, President Grant’s secretary of state, resisted calls for revenge knowing that the ship had been breaking the law and wanting no part of the multiracial Cuban population. When a cabinet member raised the idea of annexing Cuba, Fish quashed the idea with a reminder that the U.S. already had terrible racial problems in “South Carolina and Mississippi.”

 

In the end, Spain paid an $80,000 indemnity for lives of the crew members and remained in control of Cuba when the war ended in 1878.[4]

 

The war did not resume in full force until 1895, when Madrid’s empire was near collapse. For years it had been forced to simultaneously fight liberation movements in Cuba and the Philippines. Its colonies on the American mainland had been liberated in 1825, but it clung hard to the islands of Cuba and Puerto Rico, the last of its colonial possessions in the Americas. Meanwhile, U.S. influence had grown to the point that it could ignore British power and conquer Cuba, just in time to prevent victory by what it openly regarded as the indigenous lesser breeds. The New York press described the latter as “ignorant niggers, half breeds, and dagoes.” General Samuel B. M. Young of the U.S. military command was of a similar view, dismissing Cuban soldiers as “a lot of degenerates,” and “no more capable of self-government than the savages of Africa.”[5]

 

By late 1895, the rebels claimed to have established a provisional government. But neither Grover Cleveland nor William McKinley were willing to recognize the revolutionary forces. To have done so would have released Spain from the obligation to protect $50 million in U.S. property in Cuba. The U.S. government preferred to hold “civilized” Madrid responsible for that property and U.S. lives on the island, while pressing the Spanish government to give the “uncivilized” Cuban rebels enough autonomy so they would lay down their arms.

 

Spain, however, refused to grant the autonomy, at least at first. Its formerly global empire had withered away to just Cuba, Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines, and no Spanish government could expect to remain in power if it lost control over any of these. The Spanish took a hard line, sending 150,000 soldiers who tried to destroy rebel support by rounding up thousands of Cubans and locking them in barbed-wire concentration camps. But the revolution continued to spread, and insurgents adopted a scorched earth policy that destroyed U.S. property.

 

Cuban suffering was incalculable. Typhus, smallpox, and cholera stalked the island, and famine was widespread. A huge portion of the population was sunk in disease, death, and despair.[6] As Spain lost control over the deteriorating situation riots broke out in Havana in late 1897. McKinley moved a warship, the Maine, into Havana harbor to protect U.S. citizens and property. Days later an explosion sank the Maine, killing more than 268 U.S. sailors. A naval court of inquiry investigating the sinking could not determine blame for the disaster.

 

Nevertheless, egged on by a sensationalist press that eagerly pinned the blame on Spain, excitement for war with Madrid mounted. President McKinley opposed it, but he also wanted U.S. property in Cuba protected, the Cuban revolution prevented from turning sharply left, and restored confidence in the U.S. business community, among other concerns. These outcomes could only be achieved through war.

 

Two months after the blowing up of the Maine, Congress authorized it and events proceeded in rapid-fire succession. Madrid broke off relations with Washington; the jingoist press chorused, “On to Havana!”; a million men raised on romantic tales of Antietam and Gettysburg rushed to enlist; the French ambassador informed Paris that a “sort of bellicose fury has seized the American nation;” a rabid Teddy Roosevelt set off to “whip the dagoes.”[7]

 

U.S. and Cuban forces made quick work of the Spaniards, and yellow fever made quick work of the Americans. Cuba emerged in ruins, its agriculture and industry destroyed.

 

U.S. investors seized the railroads, the mines, and the sugar plantations.[8]

 

The events of 1898 are often said to represent the launching of U.S. empire, but in fact the U.S. was an empire from the beginning, deeply rooted in racist assumptions that make Teddy Roosevelt’s overt contempt for “dagoes” appear mild by comparison. These assumptions were on vivid display in the way black U.S. soldiers were treated by their fellow Americans as they went off to war in Cuba.

 

Tampa shopkeepers snarled at members of the all-black 24th Infantry, refusing to serve them on the grounds that, “We don’t sell to damned niggers!” Several officers from the all black Eighth Illinois regiment were thrown out of a Baltimore restaurant, which wanted nothing to do with them. A brewery worker in Martinsburg, West Virginia loudly offered his opinion to black soldiers that, “all niggers ought to go to Cuba where they’d get killed.” In Hampton, Georgia, Private James Neely of the Twenty-fifth infantry was murdered after daring to ask for a glass of soda water in a drugstore. On the outskirts of Macon, Georgia, a sign at the entrance to a public park said simply: “No Dogs and Niggers Allowed.” Visitors to the town could also see the lynching tree where Will Singleton had recently been hanged, shot, and castrated. Implicit justification for all this was provided by the Macon press, which complained of a “riotous mood” among black troops headed for Cuba, whose contempt for Jim Crow was said to have an “unhealthy” effect on local blacks, a large number of whom worked the chain gangs.[9]

 

Due in no small part to such virulent racism, Cuban independence did not emerge in 1898. U.S. plantation owners had never gotten over Haiti’s having established itself as the first independent black republic in 1804, fearing the spread of revolutionary ideas into the U.S. slave population, and almost a century later the fear of Cuba’s black and mixed-race population was still palpable among U.S. leaders. They did not want black people in power just 90 miles from the United States.

 

So Spanish rule was replaced by U.S. rule – military occupation until 1902 - and after that de facto rule by the Platt Amendment, an agreement between Cuba and the U.S. that allowed Washington “to intervene at any time for the preservation of Cuban independence [and] the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, property and individual liberty.” The Platt Amendment allowed the U.S. to acquire the naval base at Guantanamo Bay in 1903, and was used to justify four U.S. interventions before it was finally repealed in 1934.

 

Broken by the war, and with most of its population poor, illiterate, and ill, Cuba was left utterly dependent on the United States, which kept the island undeveloped just as Spain had done. The lucrative sugar industry was modernized and mechanized as a monopoly of the U.S., which was the dominant market and the principal investor. By the mid-1920s, the United States controlled two-thirds of Cuban agriculture. The sugar boom of that decade paid for stately public buildings and luxury homes for the wealthy, but gave nothing to the poor. U.S. firms constructed rails and roads and installed banks, electricity, and the world’s first automated telephone system, but repatriated all the profits for themselves.[10]

 

It took decades more of Cuba being an impoverished U.S. client state before revolution was put back on the agenda. On July 26, 1953 Fidel Castro attacked the Fort Moncada barracks at dawn with 120 young people long on guts and short on weapons. Some of them died in battle but many more were tortured to death by Fulgencio Batista’s army, which tore out the eyes of Abel Santamaría, among others.

 

Instead of being cowed into submission, Castro, taken prisoner, presented a forceful and unapologetic defense of the attack. The amazed judges gave him their rapt attention, hanging on every word. Claiming the ancient right of rebellion against tyranny, Castro accused Batista and his officers of butchery and betrayal, and defiantly declared that, “This island will sink in the ocean before we will consent to be anybody’s slaves . . .”

 

Putting forth a revolutionary program, he said that what was inconceivable was not the attack on the barracks but the failure to provide food and work for everyone:


“What is inconceivable is that there should be men going to bed hungry while an inch of land remains unsown; what is inconceivable is that there should be children who die without medical care; that thirty percent of our campesinos cannot sign their names, and ninety-nine percent don’t know the history of Cuba; that most families in our countryside should be living in worse conditions than the Indians Columbus found when he discovered the most beautiful land human eyes had ever seen . . .”

 

“From such wretchedness it is only possible to free oneself by death; and in that the state does help them: to die. Ninety percent of rural children are devoured by parasites that enter from the soil through the toenails of their unshod feet.

 

“More than half of the best cultivated production lands are in foreign hands. In Oriente, the largest province, the lands of the United Fruit Company extend from the north coast to the south coast . . . .

 

“Cuba continues to be a factory producing raw materials. Sugar is exported to import candies; leather exported to import shoes; iron exported to import plows. . . .”[11]

 

On New Year’s Day 1959 the Cuban revolution triumphed, and almost immediately evoked Washington’s wrath. By late that year the CIA and the State Department agreed that Fidel Castro had to be overthrown. One reason, State Department liberals explained, was that “our business interests in Cuba have been seriously affected.” Another was the threat of a good example, i.e., the tendency of a successful revolution to inspire other subjugated peoples to challenge U.S. imperial control over their destinies. Or as the State Department concluded in November 1959: “The United States cannot hope to encourage and support sound economic policies in other Latin American countries and promote necessary private investments in Latin America if it is or appears to be simultaneously cooperating with the Castro program.”

 

What was this program? Nationalization of a billion dollars in U.S. corporate holdings; carrying out the most extensive land reform in Latin American history; creating state cooperatives; building thousands of homes for the poor; cutting rents in half, providing jobs for the unemployed, wiping out illiteracy, vastly expanding medical and public health programs; abolishing racial discrimination; and opening the nurseries, resorts, and hotels of the rich to the entire population. This was an immensely popular set of policies, not just in Cuba, but wherever there were poor people.[12]

 

In elite planning circles in the U.S., however, the reaction was quite different. By October 1959, planes based in Florida were carrying out strafing and bombing attacks against the island. In December, CIA subversion was intensified, including supplying arms to guerrilla bands and sabotage of sugar mills and other economic targets. In March 1960, the Eisenhower administration formally adopted a plan to overthrow Castro in favor of a regime “more devoted to the true interests of the Cuban people and more acceptable to the U.S.,” a self-contradictory goal that was to be accomplished “in such a manner as to avoid any appearance of U.S. intervention,” due to Castro’s popularity.[13] The logic of the terror and economic strangulation was spelled out by Lester Mallory at the State Department, who wrote that “disenchantment and disaffection based on economic disaffection and hardship” should be cultivated in order to “bring about hunger, desperation, and overthrow of government.”

 

During the 1960 presidential campaign Kennedy tried to be more rabidly anti-Communist than Eisenhower and Nixon, accusing them of threatening U.S. security by permitting “the Iron Curtain . . . .90 miles off the coast of the United States.” In a Cincinnati speech he promised to overthrow the Cuban government if elected.[14]

 

He did his best to deliver on the promise. Sabotage, terror, and aggression sharply escalated under Kennedy, as well as devastating economic warfare that a tiny nation has no chance of withstanding for long. Havana’s dependence on the U.S. for both imports and exports was immense, and could not be easily replaced, and not at all without great cost. Kennedy and his “Best and Brightest” brigade did everything they could think of to maximize Cuban suffering.

 

 “We were hysterical about Castro at the time of the Bay of Pigs [April 1961] and thereafter,” Kennedy’s Defense Secretary Robert McNamara admitted to the Church Committee. Much of Kennedy’s Latin American policy was based on the fear that the Cuban revolution was a “virus” that would infect others and curtail U.S. hegemony in the region.[15] As a 1964 CIA report put it: “[Cuba] is being watched closely by other nations in the hemisphere and any appearance of success there would have an extensive impact on the statist trend elsewhere in the area.”[16]

 

Calling to mind Hitler’s rhetoric on Czechoslovakia, President Kennedy accused Cuba of being a “dagger” pointed at the United States and sent a proxy army to invade the island at the Bay of Pigs in April, 1961, while plotting Fidel Castro’s assassination.[17] Castro’s crime was having abolished capitalist control of the Cuban economy, which had terminated the Mafia-run play land that enriched foreign investors while Cuba starved.

 

Aside from the preposterousness of tiny Cuba posing a threat to a nuclear-armed superpower over eighty times its size, the U.S. had no legal leg to stand on. Article 15 of the Charter of the Organization of American States read: “No state or group of states has the right to intervene, directly or indirectly, for any reason whatever in the internal or external affairs of any other state." The U.N. Charter stated: "All members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat of use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state  . . .”

 

Humiliated by the failed invasion, but determined to isolate Cuba’s revolution, President Kennedy unveiled the Alliance For Progress, embracing the rhetoric of social change while expressly proscribing revolution or socialism. A major feature of the plan called for shifting the role of the Latin American military from “hemispheric defense” to “internal security,” encouraging the CIA to establish death squads under the aegis of “police training” while Kennedy rhapsodized about creating “a hemisphere where every man has enough to eat and a chance to work, where every child can learn, and every family can find decent shelter.”[18]

 

Washington escalated its clandestine attacks on Cuba and prepared a second American invasion. Hoping to deter the event while giving Washington a taste of its own nuclear medicine, Cuba requested that the Soviet Union install nuclear missiles on the island in the fall of 1962. When Krushchev complied, JFK opted for a game of nuclear chicken, imposing a unilateral blockade on Cuba in violation of the UN Charter, rather than negotiate a quiet solution, which he regarded as the sissy’s way out. In resolving the conflict, the U.S. did not renounce its ongoing terrorist war against the island, which included chemical and biological attacks, as well as regular attacks on Castro’s life. Cuba went into permanent military mobilization and embraced the Soviet Union, while Washington established a complete trade and credit embargo, the prescribed remedy for states that infringe on the sacred privileges of private investors.[19]

 

Over sixty years later Washington is still obsessing over tiny Cuba, a health and education superpower that ended illiteracy nearly overnight at the start of its revolution, and now sends doctors all over the world to cure blindness and many other illnesses, as well as provide critical care in the wake of natural disasters, all without charge to the patients. This, while its far wealthier northern neighbor squanders trillions of dollars on endless wars and remains the world’s only developed country without universal health coverage for its people, who pay twice as much as other developed countries do for a system that delivers far worse health outcomes.

 

But these warped priorities are precisely the point. They are immensely profitable for the owners of the private economy, which for some time now has been a global economy. If these gluttonous few are to continue expanding their wealth these priorities must become everyone’s priorities, which means doing away with a revolution dedicated to what is regularly denounced as an extremist agenda by Washington.

 

Just what is this “extremist agenda”? In a nutshell, it’s the Cuban stance on human rights, announced by Fidel Castro in his New York City speech to the UN in 1960:

 

“The right of the peasants to the land; the right of the workers to the fruit of their labor; the right of children to education; the right of the sick to medical treatment and hospital attention; the right of youth to work; the right of students to free education . . . ; the right of Negroes and Indians to full dignity as human beings; the right of women to civil, social and political equality; the right of the elderly to a secure old age; the right of intellectuals, artists, and scientists to fight, with their work, for a better world . . . the right of nations to their full sovereignty; the right of peoples to turn fortresses into schools, and to arm their workers, peasants, students, intellectuals, blacks, Indians, women, the young and the old, and all the oppressed and exploited people, so they themselves can defend their rights and their destiny.”[20]  

 

It is to destroy the viability of this agenda that we fight forever wars.

 

God Bless America.

 

 

*The halting half-measures taken towards normalizing U.S.-Cuba relations by Barack Obama did not address the criminality of longstanding U.S. policy, which he regarded – incredibly - as having been undertaken with “the best of intentions.”



[1] . “Trump Tightens Sanctions Against Cuba, Threatens To ‘Take’ The Island,” La Jornada (Spanish), May 2, 2026

 

[2] Noam Chomsky, Year 501 – The Conquest Continues, (South End, 1993) p. 143.

[3] Chomsky, ibid. pps. 143-4

[4] Walter LaFeber, The American Age, (Norton, 1989) p. 163

[5] Tariq Ali, Winston Churchill - His Times, His Crimes, (Verso, 2022) p. 23: Noam Chomsky, Year 501 – The Conquest Continues, (South End, 1993) p. 144

[6] Tariq Ali, Winston Churchill – His Times, His Crimes, (Verso, 2022) p. 24; Lloyd C. Gardner, Walter F. LaFeber, Thomas J. McCormick, Creation of the American Empire, Vol. 1 (Rand McNally, 1976) p. 243

[7]Daniel B. Shirmer, Republic or Empire - American Resistance to the Philippine War (Schenkman Publishing Company, 1972) pps. 51, 55-6, 72, 83; Walter Millis, The Martial Spirit, (Literary Guild of America, 1931) pps. 108, 125, 127, 139, 147, 174, 362, 364; Claude Julien, America’s Empire, (Pantheon, 1971) pps. 55, 74; Noel J. Kent, America in 1900, (M. E. Sharpe, 2000) p. 12;

 

[8] Howard Zinn, A People’s History of the United States, (Harper, 1999) p. 310

[9] William B. Gatewood, Jr., Black Americans and the White Man’s Burden, 1898-1903, (University of Illinois, 1975) pps. 119-20, 140-3

 

[10] Mandy Macdonald, Cuba, (Kuperard, 2006) pps. 22-3

[11]Eduardo Galeano, Memory of Fire – Century of the Wind, (Pantheon, 1988) pps. 148-9

[12] Lawrence Wittner, Cold War America – From Hiroshima To Watergate, (Holt, 1978) p. 216

[13]Noam Chomsky, Year 501 – The Conquest Continues, (South End, 1993) pps. 145-6

[14]William Mandel, Saying No To Power, (Creative Arts, 1999), p. 374

[15] Noam Chomsky, Year 501 – The Conquest Continues, (South End, 1993) p. 146

[16] Quoted in Noam Chomsky, Latin America – From Colonization To Globalization, (Ocean Press, 1999), p. 70

 

[17]Todd Gitlin, The Sixties – Days of Hope, Days of Rage, (Bantam, 1987), p. 90

[18]Walter LaFeber, Inevitable Revolutions – The United States in Central America, (Norton, 1984) p. 151

[19]Seymour Hersh, The Dark Side of Camelot, (Little, Brown, 1997) p. 440n.; Cedric Belfrage and James Aronson, Something To Guard – The Stormy Life of the National Guardian, 1948-1967 (Columbia, 1978) p. 277; William Blum, Killing Hope - US Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II, (Common Courage, 1995) pps. 184-9

[20]Fidel Castro, Ten Days In Harlem – Fidel Castro And The Making Of The 1960s, (Faber & Faber, 2020), pps. 166-7